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This is the first monograph length study that charts the coercive diplomacy of the administrations of Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford as practiced against their British ally in order to persuade Edward Heath’s government to follow a more amenable course throughout the ‘Year of Europe’ and to convince Harold Wilson’s governments to lessen the severity of proposed defence cuts. Such diplomacy proved effective against Heath but rather less so against Wilson. It is argued that relations between the two sides were often strained, indeed, to the extent that the most ‘special’ elements of the relationship, that of intelligence and nuclear co-operation, were suspended. Yet, the relationship also witnessed considerable co-operation. This book offers new perspectives on US and UK policy towards British membership of the European Economic Community; demonstrates how US détente policies created strain in the ‘special relationship’; reveals the temporary shutdown of US-UK intelligence and nuclear co-operation; provides new insights in US-UK defence co-operation, and revaluates the US-UK relationship throughout the IMF Crisis.
Part II Sovereignty of global markets Richard Nixon, even once he became president, was never convinced that he was held in affection by the American people. He was probably right. So when his advisors urged him to make an economic statement to the nation by interrupting the top-rated western Bonanza, beloved by millions of Americans, he hesitated, seeing this as yet another reason for people to dislike him. Eventually, he relented once he was told that his announcement had to be made before the end of the weekend so as not to spook financial markets. So
, Richard Nixon. The devaluation of sterling On 19 October 1967, National Security Adviser Walt Rostow told Johnson that as ‘part of a last ditch British effort’ to hold sterling at $2.80, London had raised the bank rate by half a per cent. Trouble had befallen Britain despite everything. In 1966 the British had ‘moved strongly … to support the pound: they deflated their economy, cut down foreign commitments
terms, China by the late 1960s had ceased remaining, to borrow Thomas Christensen’s phrase, a “useful adversary.” It was now advantageous to be seen reaching out to the mainland. The appearance of Richard Nixon’s Foreign Affairs article in 1967 was particularly reflective of the changed environment. Both Nixon and Hubert Humphrey supported the idea of developing a new Sino-American relationship during the 1968 campaign.3 A far-reaching reassessment of China’s international role coincided with this evolution in domestic attitudes. Successive Cold War administrations
Paul Dundes Wolfowitz is best known for his hawkish service to the George W. Bush administration, when he pushed strongly for the invasion and occupation of Iraq. But this was merely the most recent chapter in a long foreign policy career that began in 1969, and that included service to the Richard Nixon, Gerald Ford, Jimmy Carter, Ronald Reagan and George H. W. Bush administrations. This chapter characterises this period as one in which Wolfowitz's worldview departed the fringe and settled in the mainstream. While serving the Carter, Reagan and George H. W. Bush administrations, Wolfowitz helped to catalyse policy shifts and formulated guidance documents that influenced later presidencies. Noam Chomsky and Paul Wolfowitz share many common traits; among other things, they both overstate America's actual or prospective ability to shape the world. The Second Iraq War emphasised the limits of American power rather than the potentialities.
relationship would come under severe strain. Demonstrative of this was the fact that on a number of separate occasions the most ‘special’ areas of US−UK cooperation, which related to the intelligence and nuclear aspects of the relationship, were suspended at the behest of Washington because of wider US−UK political disagreements. Indeed, by the end of 1973, it appeared as if the special relationship was at an end with both Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger declaring it to be ‘over’.2 01_Strained_partnership_001-023.indd 1 06/11/2013 12:43 2 A strained partnership? Yet
since 1968 Year Nominee President Senate action 1968 Abe Fortas * Lyndon Johnson Filibuster – withdrawn 1969 Warren Burger * Richard Nixon Confirmed , 74–3 1969 Clement Haynesworth Richard Nixon Rejected , 45–55 1970 G. Harrold Carswell Richard Nixon Rejected , 45–51 1970 Harry Blackmun Richard Nixon Confirmed , 94–0 1971 Lewis Powell Richard Nixon Confirmed , 89–1 1971 William Rehnquist Richard Nixon Confirmed , 68–26 1975 John Paul Stevens Gerald Ford
The major part of this book project was funded by the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Sklodowska-Curie grant agreement No. 700913.
This book is about two distinct but related professional cultures in late Soviet
Russia that were concerned with material objects: industrial design and
decorative art. The Russian avant-garde of the 1920s is broadly recognised to
have been Russia’s first truly original contribution to world culture. In
contrast, Soviet design of the post-war period is often dismissed as hackwork
and plagiarism that resulted in a shabby world of commodities. This book
identifies the second historical attempt at creating a powerful alternative to
capitalist commodities in the Cold War era. It offers a new perspective on the
history of Soviet material culture by focusing on the notion of the ‘comradely
object’ as an agent of progressive social relations that state-sponsored Soviet
design inherited from the avant-garde. It introduces a shared history of
domestic objects, handmade as well as machine-made, mass-produced as well as
unique, utilitarian as well as challenging the conventional notion of utility.
Situated at the intersection of intellectual history, social history and
material culture studies, this book elucidates the complexities and
contradictions of Soviet design that echoed international tendencies of the late
twentieth century. The book is addressed to design historians, art historians,
scholars of material culture, historians of Russia and the USSR, as well as
museum and gallery curators, artists and designers, and the broader public
interested in modern aesthetics, art and design, and/or the legacy of socialist
regimes.
The Arab–Israeli conflict has been at the centre of international affairs for decades. Despite repeated political efforts, the confrontation and casualties continue, especially in fighting between Israelis and Palestinians. This new assessment emphasizes the role that military force plays in blocking a diplomatic resolution. Many Arabs and Israelis believe that the only way to survive or to be secure is through the development, threat, and use of military force and violence. This idea is deeply flawed and results in missed diplomatic opportunities and growing insecurity. Coercion cannot force rivals to sign a peace agreement to end a long-running conflict. Sometimes negotiations and mutual concessions are the key to improving the fate of a country or national movement. Using short historical case studies from the 1950s through to today, the book explores and pushes back against the dominant belief that military force leads to triumph while negotiations and concessions lead to defeat and further unwelcome challenges. In The sword is not enough, we learn both what makes this idea so compelling to Arab and Israeli leaders and how it eventually may get dislodged.
Printing Terror places horror comics of the mid-twentieth century in dialogue with the anxieties of their age. It rejects the narrative of horror comics as inherently and necessarily subversive and explores, instead, the ways in which these texts manifest white male fears over America’s changing sociological landscape. It examines two eras: the pre-CCA period of the 1940s and 1950s, and the post-CCA era to 1975. The authors examine each of these periods through the lenses of war, gender, and race, demonstrating that horror comics are centred upon white male victimhood and the monstrosity of the gendered and/or racialised other. It is of interest to scholars of horror, comics studies, and American history. It is suitably accessible to be used in undergraduate classes.