Elizabeth Gaskell used Gothic as a symbolic language to explore the dark side of Unitarian thought. She explores, in rationalist terms, evils origins, effects, and remedy, using Gothic tropes as metaphors for humanly created misery. Gaskell locates the roots of ‘evil’ in an unenlightened social order – in ‘The Crooked Branch’ erroneous parenting, and in ‘The Poor Clare’ wider social structures, both distorted by the ideology of privilege. ‘The Poor Clare’ also engages with the tension between moral determinism and personal responsibility, and defends a Unitarian salvation. This tale also demonstrates Gaskell‘s views on aspects of Roman Catholicism.
This article examines the ways in which James Herbert‘s The Spear (1978) attempted to combine nineteenth century gothic with the contemporary thriller. The novel deals with the activities of a neo-Nazi organisation, and the essay draws parallels between Herberts deployment of National Socialism and the treatment of Roman Catholicism in earlier Gothic texts. Contextualising the novel within a wider fascination with Nazism in 1970s popular culture, it also considers the ethical difficulties in applying techniques from supernatural Gothic to secular tyranny.
Drawing upon a multi-disciplinary methodology employing diverse written sources, material practices and vivid life histories, Faith in the Family seeks to assess the impact of the Second Vatican Council on the ordinary believer, alongside contemporaneous shifts in British society relating to social mobility, the sixties, sexual morality, and secularisation. Chapters examine the changes in the Roman Catholic liturgy and Christology, devotion to Mary, the rosary and the place of women in the family and church, as well as the enduring (but shifting) popularity of Saints Bernadette and Thérèse. Appealing to students of modern British gender and cultural history, as well as a general readership interested in religious life in Britain in the second half of the twentieth century, Faith in the Family illustrates that despite unmistakable differences in their cultural accoutrements and interpretations of Catholicism, English Catholics continued to identify with and practise the ‘Faith of Our Fathers’ before and after Vatican II.
, and the
reverse is the case in eight. However, in only four do Roman Catholics outnumber
Protestants – Belize, Canada, Grenada and St Lucia.
The realms collectively constitute, then, a population of subjects of the monarch that are predominantly Christian of unknown degrees of commitment
but with a substantial minority with other religions, no recorded religion or no
religion. The two largest Christian denominations, Anglicanism and RomanCatholicism, each have the attachment of about one-fifth of the combined
population, but the Anglican support is heavily
ofﬁcial spokesman for the Laudian movement, what
broader ideology did he present in his works? This chapter is intended to scrutinize the dominant themes in his published works of this decade, relating
in particular to the nature of the English Reformation, puritanism, RomanCatholicism, and the foreign Reformed churches. We will seek in part to
determine whether these reveal a uniﬁed and consistent vision, or whether
tensions and ambiguities can be observed. Given that the best picture that
historians now have of Laudianism is one that has consciously synthesized
National identity in The Wild Irish Girl and Sybil
one of Queen Victoria’s prime
Disraeli, of course, became another. By the time that
Sybil was published, the Reform Bill had widened the
franchise a little, and the Act of Toleration had put RomanCatholicism
on a better footing. Both of the nations which are in conflict in
Sybil are British – we might now prefer to call them
two cultures – the rich
Hutchinson in the 1720s was merely convinced that the Church and
state in Ireland would be better served by devising and implementing
conversion schemes designed to remove the political threat posed by
the mass of the population’s adherence and political deference to RomanCatholicism and the pope. Once this sense of Catholic threat retreated
Burns, Irish Parliamentary politics, ii, pp. 17–22; Edith Mary Johnston, Ireland in
the eighteenth century (Dublin, 1974), p. 29.
LJ, iii, 245– 6.
Bishop of Down and Connor
in Hutchinson’s mind during the
When the Spanish invasion force of 1588 met with successful English resistance and disastrous weather, losing thousands of men and 62 of 130 ships, contemporary observers and participants on both sides believed the outcome reflected God’s intervention. English sermons used Bible stories to develop a patriotic and providentialist interpretation of the gathering threat and subsequent Spanish defeat. Sermons before the attempted invasion, by Thomas Drant, Meredith Hanmer, and William Gravet, demonstrate the comparison preachers drew a between Islam and Roman Catholicism (as Spenser created a Muslim sultan to represent the Roman Catholic Spanish threat). Sermons celebrating the English victory, by John Prime, Thomas White, Roger Hackett, and Stephen Gosson, show that Spenser and the preachers drew on the same biblical theme of God’s judgment and motifs of horses, chariot, and hardware.
This chapter focuses on the enormous and impoverished parish of Whalley, of which Pendle formed a part, addressing the role played by religion in the trials. Historians have recently looked more to religion and ideas for explanations of witch trials. It is suggested that witchcraft trials were concentrated in areas where there were clashes between strong Roman Catholicism and vigorous reforming Protestantism, and singled out Lancashire as an example. The county was certainly notable at this period for both of these religious tendencies. The spiritual vacuum left by the destructive dissolution of Whalley Abbey in the reign of Henry VIII, the continuing attachment of the population to the older forms of religious belief, and the rise of a determined, reforming Puritanism in the generation or so preceding the trials of 1612 are stressed. The Reformation proceeded slowly and unreformed religious ideas remained entrenched. But when the godly crusade against sin did finally get underway, it was magistrates such as Roger Nowell and his colleagues among the Protestant gentry of the area who were in the forefront of the campaign to eradicate what they saw as the related phenomena of Catholicism, superstition and witchcraft.
religious opinions’2 – in other words, that he was in danger of converting
to RomanCatholicism. Even years later, this friend continued to insist
that the poem, which was not finally published until 1868, ‘might have
been harmful originally’.3
Several years later, another Anglican’s invocation of the Virgin Mary
became the topic of a more public debate. In 1849, Priscilla Lydia Sellon,
foundress of the Anglican Society of Sisters of Mercy of the Holy Trinity,
in Devonport, was forced to reply to anonymous charges published in the
Devonport telegraph that, in part because