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David Lloyd Roberts MRCS LSA MD FRCP FRS.Edin (1834–1920) was a successful Manchester doctor who made significant contributions to the advancement of gynaecology and obstetrics. His career was closely linked to the Manchester St Mary’s Hospital for Women and Children, 1858–1920. He lectured on midwifery at Owens College and the University of Manchester and was gynaecological surgeon to Manchester Royal Infirmary. He had many interests outside medicine, including a large collection of rare books, paintings and antiques. He produced an edition of Thomas Browne’s Religio Medici (1898) and a paper, The Scientific Knowledge of Dante (1914). He donated his books to the John Rylands Library and the London Royal College of Physician, his paintings to the Manchester Art Gallery, and he left a large endowment to Bangor College, Wales. This article reviews his medical work alongside his legacy to literature, the arts and education.
Royal College of Physicians in 58 H. F. Mulvey, Thomas Davis and Ireland: A Biographical Study (Washington, D. C., 2003), pp. 37–40. 59 Stephen Howe, Ireland and Empire: Colonial Legacies in Irish History and Culture (Oxford, 2000), pp. 49–54. ሉ Irish Enlightenment, human societies, and bodies ሊ 181 Dublin in that year that he began work on his Scale of Creatures.60 The Scale’s fifth chapter, its appendix, and some additional pages are now held in the British Library and were printed in 1927; a copy consisting of five chapters and an appendix held at Yale
allow women to take its licence examinations. In March 1878, a year after the admission of women to the KQCPI, the Lancet reported on the question of the admission of women to the Royal College of Physicians in London. The fellows of the College were strongly opposed to the admission of women. Sir George Burrows moved that he felt that men and women should not be educated together, while a Dr West argued that women’s natures made them unfit to be doctors. A Dr Bucknill stated that allowing women to take the medical examinations of the College would be a retrograde
category. Despite the totalising rhetoric of radicals and reformers it is clear that far from all practitioners felt bound to one another by the invisible bonds of professional identity. A poor-law surgeon or general practitioner in York may have embraced others of his ilk as brethren but it seems unlikely that the high-ranking members of the Royal College of Physicians felt quite the same degree of collective identification. Moreover, with the advent of female doctors and the increased technical and intellectual specialisation of the later nineteenth century, the
import for clinical practice. It was at the ABN’s meetings where scientific and clinical work merged together. Yet the ABN’s original posture quickly transcended the scientific and clinical realms to enter political ones. As this chapter describes, by the 1940s neurologists – mainly leading figures in the ABN – had successfully created a working committee for neurology at the Royal College of Physicians. This committee was capable of organising on behalf of neurologists nationally – an essential activity as the government became active in hospital and healthcare
Department of Health finally accepted formal responsibility for RECs, the main authority offering guidance on REC practice, composition, and decision making was the Royal College of Physicians (RCP). Following its initial engagement with issues of ethics review there was a gap of 11 years before the College formally returned to the topic of guidance for RECs, during which concerns arose that ‘some Ethics Committees did not know what they were doing’ and there was thus ‘a need for general guidance on how Ethics Committees should be run’. 6 The resulting 1984 report, the
difficulty in identifying who might properly be designated a ‘responsible medical man’. The physicians maintained that they were the repository of proper practice. The popular reputation of all the putative professions was low. 18 Physicians and their College The Royal College of Physicians (RCP), the lineal descendant of the London College, takes pride in being ‘the oldest
historical developments and debates. To underline the deep-seated role of local review, this chapter begins by exploring two key debates in the development of RECs: attempts in the mid-1980s to set up a ‘national REC’, and the arrival, in 1997, of MRECs. As already noted, LRECs’ origins lie in the hospital-based committees that arose from the Royal College of Physician’s (RCP’s) 1967 call for the setting-up of bodies to review medical research prior to it taking place. This was such a success that, by 1972, the government of the day could confidently claim that at least
are natural. The erosion of personal freedom resulting from allowing ‘blind’ trials is not justified by those fears. A patient who will not agree to, or cannot understand the implications of, a trial should not be entered in that trial. 129 The RCT is particularly hard on participants in research to test a new therapy, where existing treatments have failed. In those circumstances the Royal College of Physicians suggested that Zelen’s design might be appropriate. 130 Instead of randomising participants after consent has been taken, randomisation occurs before
medical corporation, the KQCPI (later the Royal College of Physicians of Ireland), founded in 1654, and the Apothecaries’ Hall of Ireland (founded in 1791), offered registerable licences to students who had undertaken their medical education elsewhere.9 Evidently, there have been important changes relating to medical educa tion in Ireland since women were first admitted to the medical schools in the 1880s. At that point women medical students were viewed as a rare species, with their achievements frequently heralded in the student press and Irish newspapers. By 1898