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What does expatriate mean? Who gets described as an expatriate rather than a migrant? And why do such distinctions matter? Following the expatriate explores these questions by tracing the postcolonial genealogy of the category expatriate from mid-twentieth-century decolonisation to current debates about migration, and examining the current stakes of debates about expatriates. As the book shows, the question of who is an expatriate was as hotly debated in 1961 as it is today. Back then, as now, it was entangled in the racialised, classed and gendered politics of migration and mobility. Combining ethnographic and historical research, the book discusses uses of the expatriate across academic literature, corporate management and international development practice, personal memory projects, and urban diaspora spaces in The Hague and Nairobi. It tells situated stories about the category’s making and remaking, its contestation and the lived experience of those labelled expatriate. By attending to racialised, gendered and classed struggles over who is an expatriate, the book shows that migration categories are at the heart of how intersecting material and symbolic social inequalities are enacted today. Any project for social justice thus needs to dissect and dismantle categories like the expatriate, and the book offers innovative analytical and methodological strategies to advance this project.
. Extract from poem ‘Those were the days’, Shall Ladies’ Project, 1996 The Royal Dutch Shell Group of Companies , often called simply ‘the Group’, or ‘Shell’, consistently ranked among the largest and most profitable corporations of the twentieth century. Throughout the century, the Group depended on a set of elite employees, known as ‘international staff’, who migrated throughout its global business empire to deploy specialist skills and knowledge, instil company culture, and coordinate and control this
-human rights relationship but also the uncertainties and lack of clarity that surround the relationship. A year after the execution of Ken Saro-Wiwa and eight others, their families brought suit in the USA against Royal Dutch Shell, Shell Nigeria and Brian Anderson, then Head of Shell Nigeria, for compensation and damages for their complicity in the State-sponsored murder of the Ogoni
issue bears the distinct characteristics of a reactive strategy. The Royal Dutch/Shell Group of Companies The Royal Dutch/Shell Group of Companies is the result of an alliance made in 1907 between the Royal Dutch Petroleum Company and the ‘Shell’ Transport and Trading Company, plc, whereby the two companies agreed to merge their interests on a 60:40 basis while keeping separate identities. Shell was also one of the ‘seven sisters’, the influential oil company cartel during the 2543Chap3 16/7/03 9:58 am Page 53 The climate strategies of the oil industry 53 first
); British Petroleum (BP) and the Anglo-Dutch Royal Dutch Shell (Parra, 2010, p. 7). Rather than work in competition, the companies carved up the Middle East between them and aside from Iran, where the Anglo Iranian Oil Company (AIOC) (later BP) was the sole producer, concessions in the Middle Eastern countries were held in partnership by different combinations of the ‘Seven Sisters’ (ibid.). As Odell points out, the division of the oil-rich territory reflected both the strength of the individual companies and the contrasting diplomatic and political weight of their home
materials, including many documenting the lives of those migrating in the service of Royal Dutch Shell. Founded by ‘Shell wives’, the EAC decoupled from Shell in 2008, and broadened its remit to the social history of all expatriates. The EAC's explicit focus on expatriates makes it a unique archival project and significant stakeholder in producing the expatriate. This chapter traces the expatriate that emerges from the Expatriate Archive Centre's work, from the personal stories of staff and volunteers, and from the EAC's 2015 exhibition, ‘ Expat Impressions of The Hague
-reaching implications for how social actors understand the relationship between territory, state sovereignty and resource commodities. Rare earths are not only implicated in every step of producing this satellite image of a large-scale mining complex; they are fundamental to the ‘green’ technologies at the heart of liberal environmental justice narratives that ultimately centre on the reproduction of mineral capital. Rare earths are essential for the permanent magnets that allow wind turbines to operate. Royal Dutch Shell has taken considerable stakes in wind
This book explains the direct link between the structure of the corporation and its limitless capacity for ecological destruction. It argues that we need to find the most effective means of ending the corporation’s death grip over us. The corporation is a problem, not merely because it devours natural resources, pollutes and accelerates the carbon economy. As this book argues, the constitutional structure of the corporation eradicates the possibility that we can put the protection of the planet before profit. A fight to get rid of the corporations that have brought us to this point may seem an impossible task at the moment, but it is necessary for our survival. It is hardly radical to suggest that if something is killing us, we should over-power it and make it stop. We need to kill the corporation before it kills us.
the importance of US expatriate management and sanctify the asymmetrical power relations characterising multinational business. This history is rendered invisible by more recent IHRM literature that largely ignores the imperial roots of its research object and of its own role as knowledge producer. Chapter 4 traces the transformation of Royal Dutch Shell's expatriate at the turn of the twenty-first century. In the mid-1990s, in the context of a broader corporate restructure and, centrally, in response to gendered
line with changing social, geopolitical and economic contexts – and were often adapted to serve organisations’ and states’ interests in response to these changing contexts. For example, what made the OSAS officer at the eve of Kenyan independence or the post-war Royal Dutch Shell manager expatriates was not that they moved temporarily. Rather, the temporality of the migration of a privileged group of employees – who became privileged employees partly because of their skill but largely because of ascribed and inherited characteristics of gender, racialisation, origin