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syndicalists, tended to seek solutions in the rigorous development of a set of practices which could lead to social and economic change, bringing theory and practice together. 3 They were especially interested in the Russian Revolution of 1905, which seemed to confirm their emphasis on the general strike as the preeminent modern mode of revolution. One of the cornerstones of the
This volume explores the life histories of a wide range of radical figures whose political activity in relation to the black liberation struggle was catalysed or profoundly shaped by the global impact and legacy of the Russian Revolution of October 1917. The volume includes new perspectives on the intellectual trajectories of well-known figures such as C.L.R. James, Paul Robeson, Raya Dunayevskaya and Walter Rodney, as well as the important South African trade union leader Clements Kadalie and the poet Amiri Baraka. The volume also brings together new research and scholarship on a number of critical activists who were influenced by ‘black Bolshevism’ such as Henry Hubert Harrison, Wilfred Domingo, Cyril Briggs, Grace P. Campbell and Lamine Senghor. Detailed engagements with the political trajectories of such revolutionary figures opens up a set of diverse perspectives and engagements with different articulations of black internationalisms in the wake of the Russian Revolution. This enables a focus on the different and contested terms on which these relations were shaped, and some of the nuanced situated ways in which these relations were negotiated and lived. The engagement with particular lives and experiences offers a focus on different forms of political agency and solidarity shaped at the intersection of the Russian Revolution and the wider Black Atlantic world. Such a biographical approach brings a vivid and distinctive lens to bear on how racialised social and political worlds were negotiated and experienced, and also on historic black radical engagements with left political movements and organising.
), ‘ The Red Cross Bureau of Pictures, 1917–1921: World War I, the Russian Revolution and the Sultan of Turkey’s Harem ’, Historical Journal of Film, Radio, and Television , 10 : 4 , 47 – 70 . Wells , K. ( 2013 ), ‘ The Melodrama of Being a Child: NGO Representations of Poverty ’, Visual Communication , 12 : 3 , 277 – 93 . Werner , G. ( 1920 ), ‘ Le “Save the Children Fund” ’, International Review of the Red Cross , 2 : 21 , 1008 – 24 . Zelizer , B. ( 2010 ), About to Die: How News Images Move the Public
This is the first book in a two-volume set that traces the evolution of the Labour Party's foreign policy throughout the twentieth century and into the early years of the new millennium. It is a comprehensive study of the political ideology and history of the Labour Party's world-view and foreign policy. The set argues that the development of Labour's foreign policy perspective should be seen not as the development of a socialist foreign policy, but as an application of the ideas of liberal internationalism. The first volume outlines and assesses the early development and evolution of Labour's world-view. It then follows the course of the Labour Party's foreign policy during a tumultuous period on the international stage, including the First World War, the Russian Revolution, the Spanish Civil War, the build-up to and violent reality of the Second World War, and the start of the Cold War. The book provides an analysis of Labour's foreign policy during this period, in which Labour experienced power for the first time.
The radical who is transformed into a conservative is a common theme in political history. Benito Mussolini, the Italian socialist who became a fascist, is the best-known example, but there have been many others, including the numerous American Trotskyists and Marxists who later emerged as neo-conservatives, anti-communists or, in some instances, McCarthyists.
The politics of betrayal examines why several one-time radicals subsequently became parts of the establishment in various countries, including the former Black Panther Party leader turned Republican Eldridge Cleaver, the Australian communist Adela Pankhurst who became an admirer of the Nazis, and the ex-radical journalist Christopher Hitchens, whose defection to the camp of George W. Bush’s neo-conservatives following 11 September 2001 offers one of the most startling examples of the phenomenon in recent times.
How and why do so many radicals betray the cause? Is it simply a reaction to political defeat? Were their politics always problematic, even as radicals? Were the ex-radicals psychologically flawed to begin with? What implications does it have for left politics? This book, the first of its kind, answers these and more questions.
signatories were French)1 and the Russian revolutions of 1917. It focuses on the movement’s shift from a dominant yet complex anti-militarist stance to a more equivocal one, with significant voices being heard in support of interventionism. What were the arguments deployed by the supporters of the Union sacrée, and how much did they owe to the influence of Peter Kropotkin? Crucially, could the revolutionary project of the anarchists coexist with participation in the war effort, or did the war in fact expose the growing integration of the working classes into the nation
Canadian representative in this diplomatic mission. She revelled in opportunities to mingle with the royal family of Tsar Nicholas II as well as other prominent people, recorded her perspectives of the Russian revolution from the vantage point of hospital windows overlooking streets where events were taking place, and finagled her way into prisons, refugee camps and a field hospital on the southern Russian front by using her social and political connections. Military nurses like Cotton enabled political alliances that partially kept Russia from becoming allied with
In this chapter I focus very specifically on the way in which the black radical press mobilised the concept of Bolshevism to speak to the paramountcy of black agency; how the Russian Revolution was represented as an event which proffered a model for transnational black liberation. In engaging with radical black history we are not only addressing the damaging legacies of white supremacy which are inherited and inhabited by the descendants of the enslaved and colonially oppressed, but also how those
more rosy picture of early Bolshevik rule. Smele notes that his reports were ‘undeniably partial’, that Price admitted later that he was ‘abandoning objectivity’, and that what he wrote ‘somewhat exaggerated the situation in Moscow’.6 Indeed, Price made his views of the radicalism in Russia quite clear in the opening of his book My Reminiscences of the Russian Revolution, where he quoted the eighteenth-century Whig politician Charles James Fox, who said of the French Revolution, ‘How much is it, by far the greatest and the best thing that has ever happened in the
the intersections of race and class. There is the expansive geography of Mulzac’s life with its Atlantic connections, trajectories and experiences. Further there is the importance of broader global and geographical contexts. Key here were the inspirational effect of the Russian Revolution of 1917 and the concerted repression of the Cold War with its disproportionate impact on the lives of radical black leftists. Even after the Cold War’s end, the fact that Mulzac’s life of struggle remains little known (and he still lacks a