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The media and international intervention
Author: Philip Hammond

The first major post-Cold War conflict, the 1991 Gulf war, indicated how much had already changed. Saddam Hussein had enjoyed Western support in Iraq's war against Iran in the 1980s, but was abruptly cast as the 'new Hitler' after his invasion of Kuwait in August 1990. This book is about how the media have interpreted conflict and international intervention in the years after the Cold War. By comparing press coverage of a number of different wars and crises, it seeks to establish which have been the dominant themes in explaining the post-Cold War international order and to discover how far the patterns established prior to the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks have subsequently changed. The key concern is with the legitimacy of Western intervention: the aim is to investigate the extent to which Western military action is represented in news reporting as justifiable and necessary. The book presents a study that looks at UK press coverage of six conflicts and the international response to them: two instances of 'humanitarian military intervention' (Somalia and Kosovo); two cases in which the international community was criticised for not intervening (Bosnia and Rwanda); and two post-9/11 interventions (Afghanistan and Iraq). There were a number of overlapping UN and US interventions in Somalia in the early 1990s. Operation Restore Hope was the first major instance of post-Cold War humanitarian military intervention, following the precedent set by the establishment of 'safe havens' for Iraqi Kurds and other minorities at the end of the 1991 Gulf war.

James P. Pfiffner

there was a link between Saddam Hussein, al Qaeda, and the terrorist attacks of 9/11; second, about Iraq’s nuclear weapons capacity; and third; about Saddam’s chemical and biological weapons and his ability to deliver them. The possibility that the intelligence process was politicized is also examined. Although the record at this early date is far from complete, the chapter concludes that from publicly

in Intelligence and national security policymaking on Iraq
Decisionmaking, intelligence, and the case for war in Iraq
Mark Phythian

Cabinet in the vital matter of war and peace. 17 This presidentialism, then, created the space within which the decision to join the US in a war to remove Saddam Hussein from power was taken. The decision itself was rooted in the fact that Blair was very much a conviction politician (as Roy Jenkins once quipped, Blair; “far from lacking

in Intelligence and national security policymaking on Iraq
Abstract only
Philip Hammond

justification presented intervention as part of the ‘war on terrorism’, in that it was claimed that Saddam Hussein’s regime had connections with al-Qaeda (a claim which was also subsequently found to be untrue). As suggested by the name given to the US mission – Operation Iraqi Freedom – a third line of justification was that the war would liberate the Iraqi people and install a democratic government, thereby

in Framing post-Cold War conflicts
John Dumbrell

’s ideas were forged during the presidency of George Herbert Walker Bush. They proceeded from responses to the 1991 Gulf war, especially in connection with America’s failure then to remove Saddam Hussein from power. Bush senior no more followed a neocon foreign policy than had Reagan. For a variety of reasons, contemporary neocons find it difficult to criticise either president. Yet, post-Cold War

in Intelligence and national security policymaking on Iraq
Paul R. Pillar

focused on the errors made in assessing Saddam Hussein’s unconventional weapons programs. A commission chaired by Judge Laurence Silberman and former Senator Charles Robb usefully documented the intelligence community’s mistakes in a solid and comprehensive report released in March 2005. Corrections were indeed in order, and the intelligence community has begun to make them. At the same time, an acrimonious

in Intelligence and national security policymaking on Iraq
Abstract only
Excerpts from key US speeches before the war in Iraq
James P. Pfiffner and Mark Phythian

at the Veterans of Foreign Wars Convention, August 26, 2002 (excerpts) The case of Saddam Hussein, a sworn enemy of our country, requires a candid appraisal of the facts. After his defeat in the Gulf War in 1991, Saddam agreed under to U.N. Security Council Resolution 687 to cease all development of weapons of mass destruction. He agreed to end his nuclear weapons program. He

in Intelligence and national security policymaking on Iraq
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Excerpts from post-war US investigations
James P. Pfiffner and Mark Phythian

’s weapons of mass destruction. What the intelligence professionals told you about Saddam Hussein’s programs was what they believed. They were simply wrong. Laurence H. Silberman Charles S. Robb Overview of the Report (excerpt): On the brink of war, and in front of the whole world, the United States government asserted that Saddam

in Intelligence and national security policymaking on Iraq
Charlotte Wagnsson

North Korea – as an ‘axis of evil’, and by adopting a National Security Strategy allowing for first strikes. 2 In Jan Hallenberg’s analysis, the decision to get rid of Saddam Hussein’s regime had already been taken in principle in the United States at the presidential level in the autumn of 2001. 3 On 28 January 2003 US President George W. Bush announced what he had already indicated in September 2002

in Security in a greater Europe
Philip M. Taylor

Desert Storm in January 1991. The war ‘to liberate Kuwait’, which lasted barely six weeks, proved to be a decisive military victory without the triumph of seeing Saddam Hussein removed from power. Although this had never been one of the stated aims of the coalition at the time, it was to preoccupy successive administrations in Washington for more than a decade, until President Bush’s son was elected president in 2000. Then, following the 9/11 attacks, an ‘axis of evil’ was identified that included Iraq (as well as Syria and North Korea) and US foreign policy was

in Munitions of the Mind