Popular culture is invariably a vehicle for the dominant ideas of its age. Never was this more true than in the late-19th and early 20th centuries, when it reflected the nationalist and imperialist ideologies current throughout Europe. This book examines the various media through which nationalist ideas were conveyed in late-Victorian and Edwardian times in the theatre, "ethnic" shows, juvenile literature, education and the iconography of popular art. Nineteenth-century music hall was known as the 'fount of patriotism'. A heroic and romantic vision of Empire helped to widen the appeal of British imperialism, which newspaper and magazine editors insisted on communicating to the new mass reading public. Juvenile fiction included Victorian children's books, and very few seemed deliberately anti-imperialist. The book offers a bridge between the pre-1914 period and the interwar years and between the public school and state school systems. It discusses the case of Peter Lobengula as a focus for racial attributes in late Victorian and Edwardian times. The imperial economic vision lay ready to hand for the publicists and public relations men who saw the Empire Marketing Board as one of the great opportunities in the inter-war years to develop their craft. The book also argues that whereas the Scout movement was created in the atmosphere of defensive Empire in the Edwardian period, Scouting ideology underwent a significant change in the post-war years. Girl Guides remind us that the role of girls and women in youth organisations and imperial ideologies has been too little studied.
Baden-Powell, Scouts and Guides, and an imperial ideal
’ in the light of these
developments. There will then be a treatment of how the Scoutmovement
was actually taken up within the Empire and the implications for those
in London trying to respond to those initiatives. The essay will
conclude with some suggestions as to the impact of those imperial
concerns upon the individual adult and child involved in the movements.
In an essay of this length this
rare attempt at ‘formal’,
government-inspired, propaganda. It may be that its most important
influence was not in reaching the public directly, though remarkable and
extensive efforts were made to do so, but in maintaining the
elite’s concern with imperial values in education, public ritual,
broadcasting, and film making.
Allen Warren argues that whereas the Scoutmovement was
This book provides a scholarly yet accessible account of the Irish nationalist
youth organisation Na Fianna Éireann and its contribution to the Irish
Revolution in the period 1909–23. Countess Constance Markievicz and Bulmer
Hobson established Na Fianna Éireann, or the Irish National Boy Scouts, in
Dublin in 1909 as an Irish nationalist antidote to Robert Baden-Powell’s Boy
Scout movement founded in the previous year. The Fianna soon spread beyond the
Irish capital, offering their mainly male membership a combination of military
training, outdoor adventure and Irish cultural activities. Between their
inception in 1909 and near decimation during the Irish Civil War of 1922–23, Na
Fianna Éireann recruited, trained and nurtured a cadre of young nationalist
activists who made an essential contribution to the struggle for Irish
independence. This book situates the Fianna within the wider international
context of uniformed youth groups that arose in the late nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries as a response to societal anxieties associated with the
coming war in Europe. It compares and contrasts the Fianna to other Irish youth
groups of the period and demonstrates how the Fianna served as a conduit for
future members of adult paramilitary organisations, most notably the Irish
Volunteers (later known as the Irish Republican Army).
the health, education and moral welfare of the new generation. 18 Uniformed youth groups were one way of addressing this concern.
The best known of these youth groups was the international Boy Scoutmovement founded by Robert Baden-Powell in 1908. A British army officer who specialised in reconnaissance and scouting, Baden-Powell started this movement in response to the interest that boys had shown in his 1899 army training manual, Aids to Scouting . He was also inspired by the model of the Boys’ Brigade, which was launched by William
the nation. Contemporaries believed
that the city’s degenerate inﬂuences had most impact on the impressionable youth, which might eventually result in the creation of a new and
more hostile working class.17 Indeed, in a bid to address the manifestation
of this physically and socially disﬁgured youth, contemporaries made a
Leisure, citizenship and working-class men in Britain
more concerted effort to instil the values of ‘good citizenship’ through
organised youth activities.
Organised youth: the Boy’s Club
and Boy Scoutmovement
During the 1870s, a number
Scoutmovement, and widespread popular participation in the Volunteer
movement were undeniably visible features of this era. 9
Surely, military efforts to popularise the army played a
role in helping to create this more militaristic popular culture.
Through propaganda like martial race discourse, references to the gritty
realities of military service in the Empire were patently written out of
codes, their private speech, or slang; once these things escape to the
public world they are debased. Thus after the Boer War the public
schools joined in the craze for military scouting, and some cadet corps
even adopted slouch hats, but as soon as Baden-Powell’s Boy Scoutmovement proved generally popular, and Scout troops everywhere were
marching around in Scout hats, the public schools lost interest. As the
youth, he created the Lao Scoutmovement in 1947, 10 and by 1963 he had also moved to put his stamp on schools. The Scoutmovement engendered loyalty to the throne, and to the king personally. In a newly independent country, still in the process of unification, politically divided and subject to intensifying foreign meddling, the Scouts constituted an important nation-building force. Yet Savang’s youth movement was inextricably linked to earlier Vichy fascist undertakings from the Second World War period. 11 Moreover, his promotion of civics in the school curriculum
This work demonstrates that resistance to occupation by Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy during the Second World War has to be seen through a transnational, not a national, lens. It explores how people often resisted outside their country of origin because they were migrants, refugees or exiles who were already on the move. It traces their trajectories and encounters with other resisters and explores their experiences, including changes of beliefs, practices and identities. The book is a powerful, subtle and thought-provoking alternative to works on the Second World War that focus on single countries or on grand strategy. It is a ‘bottom up’ story of extraordinary individuals and groups who resisted oppression from Spain to the Soviet Union and the Balkans. It challenges the standard chronology of the war, beginning with the formation of the International Brigades in Spain and following through to the onset of the Cold War and the foundation of the state of Israel. This is a collective project by a team of international historians led by Robert Gildea, author of Fighters in the Shadows: A New History of the French Resistance (Faber & Faber, 2015). These have explored archives across Europe, the USA, Russia and Israel in order to unearth scores of fascinating individual stories which are woven together into themed chapters and a powerful new interpretation. The book is aimed at undergraduates and graduates working on twentieth-century Europe and the Second World War or interested in the possibilities of transnational history.