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Beyond the security alliance

This book provides the first comprehensive analysis of Japan’s new security partnerships with Australia, India, countries and multilateral security structure in East Asia, as well as with the EU and some of its member states.

Most books on Japanese bilateral relations focus exclusively on the Japanese perspective, the debate in Japan, positions of Japanese government leaders and parties, or the public discourse. This edited volume is organized in pairs of chapters, one each analysing the motivations and objectives of Japan, and a second analysing those of each of the most important new security partners.

After solely relying on the United States for its national security needs during the Cold War, since the end of the Cold War, Japan has begun to deepen its bilateral security ties. Since the mid-2000s under LDP and DPJ administrations, bilateral security partnerships accelerated and today go beyond non-traditional security issue are as and extend far into traditional security and military affairs, including the exchange and joint acquisition of military hardware, military exercises, and capacity building. It is argued, that these developments will have implications for the security architecture in the Asia-Pacific.

This book is a primer for those interested in Japan’s security policy beyond the US-Japan security alliance, non-American centred bilateral and multilateral security cooperation through the eyes of Japanese as well as partner country perspectives. It is also an ideal as a course reading for graduate courses on regional security cooperation and strategic partnerships, and Japanese foreign and security policy.

Place, space and discourse
Editors: Christine Agius and Dean Keep

Identity is often regarded as something that is possessed by individuals, states, and other agents. In this edited collection, identity is explored across a range of approaches and under-explored case studies with a view to making visible its fractured, contingent, and dynamic features. The book brings together themes of belonging and exclusion, identity formation and fragmentation. It also examines how identity functions in discourse, and the effects it produces, both materially and in ideational terms. Taking in case studies from Asia-Pacific, Europe, the Middle East and Latin America, the various chapters interrogate identity through formal governing mechanisms, popular culture and place. These studies demonstrate the complex and fluid nature of identity and identity practices, as well as implications for theorising identity.

to Australia’s security alliances. Prime Minister John Howard was the exemplar in this regard. Shortly after the Howardled Liberal–National Coalition came to power in 1996, the government announced a departure from the foreign policy priorities of its predecessor, advocating an international agenda informed by a ‘hard-headed pursuit of the national interest’ (DFAT 1997). This realist, state-centric approach to foreign affairs that characterised Howard’s eleven years in office resulted in discernible ambivalence toward regional relations, renewed focus on security

in The politics of identity

its sovereignty. With US support it also experienced rapid economic growth for much of the Cold War and entered a close security alliance with Washington in which it remains a willing participant today. Elsewhere, of course, US authority has been comparatively absent, more typically within continental than maritime Asia. What more meaningfully binds the encounters of the multitudinous actors of Asia and the Pacific with the regional American presence is the United States’ centuries-long project of what is termed here imperial hegemony. As will be shown, this

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Diplomacy, cross-border patronage, and the negotiation of subsidy alliances in the north-western part of the Holy Roman Empire (late seventeenth century)

engaging in treaties with foreign powers continued to regard the empire and its various internal security alliances – which could include foreign allies and their subsidies – as a central point of reference.8 The present chapter focuses on the practices of diplomacy and various cross-border negotiations concerning the formation of foreign subsidy alliances on various levels in the north-western periphery of the Holy Roman Empire in the first decades after the Peace of Westphalia. This field of inquiry is explored in three case studies: first, the attempt of the duke of

in Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation in Europe, 1494–1789
Open Access (free)
An endangered legacy

of security alliances or Washington’s commitment to uphold the regional order into doubt. Ultimately, the Trump administration has to this point not just actively worked to tarnish some of the most significant accomplishments of Obama and the Pivot to Asia, it has also threatened the stability of the United States’ long-standing hegemonic role throughout the Asia Pacific region. Notes 1 M. Green and N. Szechenyi , ‘ US-Japan relations: A fresh start ’, Comparative Connections , 11 : 1 ( 2009 ), pp. 1 – 9 . 2 M. Green , By More Than Providence

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Promises and perils

and ASEAN itself was centred on four aspects: strengthening security alliances and partnerships; investing in multilateral institutions; advancing economic engagement; and promoting democracy and human rights. Though these general objectives were of course not new to US Asia policy, there were distinguishing features in each of these that were reflective of the Obama administration’s approach. First, the Obama administration focused on strengthening alliances and partnerships. While this had long been a key part of advancing US policy, the Obama administration

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
What contribution to regional security?

. The BSEC was officially transformed from an initiative into a ‘regional economic organisation’ on 5 June 1998, when a charter was signed that made it into a formal organisation.3 The BSEC is neither an economic community along the lines of the EU nor a security alliance like NATO. In addition, its capacity for authoritative decisions over economic and political issues is restricted. It envisages neither the creation of a preferential trading area nor the introduction of a common external tariff. Discussions on the establishment of a free trade area, which led to an

in Limiting institutions?
The view from Budapest

cooperative parts of Europe would be bound together by a network of political, economic and security arrangements, but the division would stay nonetheless. The Soviet military presence in Eastern Europe would be reduced or even eliminated, but the Warsaw Pact would remain. In a broader context insistence on the Warsaw Pact was tied to security concerns. If the Warsaw Pact were dissolved the rationale behind keeping NATO could also be questioned. But the dissolution of NATO would sever the transatlantic security alliance which was inconceivable for western European countries

in The 1989 Revolutions in Central and Eastern Europe
Abstract only
Towards a ‘tolerable state of order’?

forces that had been serving in internal security roles. Conclusion 141 Similarly, the Mutual Security network did not constitute alliances in the traditional sense. Although the system of Mutual Security alliances expanded during this period, these ‘alliances’ were very one-sided, and often little more than instruments providing for US intervention in the event of conflict. Such pacts represented a formal extension of the US security umbrella to states around the periphery of the communist world. With the advent of Eisenhower’s New Look defence philosophy these

in The evolving role of nation-building in US foreign policy