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The politics of coherence and effectiveness

This book represents the first ever comprehensive study of the EU’s foreign and security policy in Bosnia since the dissolution of the Yugoslav Federation in 1991. Drawing on historical institutionalism, it explains the EU’s contribution to post-conflict stabilisation and conflict resolution in Bosnia. The book demonstrates that institutions are a key variable in explaining levels of coherence and effectiveness of the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and that institutional legacies and unintended consequences have shaped CFSP impact over time. In doing so, it also sheds new light on the role that intergovernmental, bureaucratic and local political contestation have played in the formulation and implementation of a European foreign and security policy. The study concludes that the EU’s involvement in Bosnia has not only had a significant impact on this Balkan country in its path from stabilisation to integration, but has also transformed the EU, its foreign and security policy and shaped the development of the EU’s international identity along the way.

). On September 25 the government, through its spokesman, confirmed that Ireland was not under threat of a direct attack but could suffer ‘collateral damage’ in the event of an attack close by (O’ Connor and Minihan 2001). Days later, on October 3, the State’s national security policy was significantly revised, with the introduction of new management structures for emergency planning (O’ Connor 2001b

in Re-evaluating Irish national security policy
Affordable threats?

On the afternoon of September 11 2001 the Irish Prime Minister (Taoiseach), Bertie Ahern ordered the ‘heads of the security services of key government departments’ to undertake a complete re-evaluation of measures to protect the state from attack. Hence, underway within hours of the 9/11 outrage in the United States was potentially the most far-reaching review of Irish national security in decades. This book, an academic investigation of Irish national security policy as it has operated since 9/11, provides a theoretically informed analysis of that re-evaluation and the decisions that were taken as a consequence of it up until September 2008. In so doing, it draws on unprecedented access to Ireland's police, security and intelligence agencies; over twenty senior personnel agreed to be interviewed. Questions are raised over the effectiveness of the Irish agencies, the relative absence of naval and airborne defence and the impact on national security of the policy imperative to transform the Defence Forces, particularly the army, for more robust missions overseas. The book also considers the securitisation of Irish immigration policy and the apparent absence of a coherent integration policy despite international evidence suggesting the potential for radicalisation in socially marginalised western communities. Theoretically, the book demonstrates the utility to the analysis of national security policy of three conceptual models of historical institutionalism, governmental politics and threat evaluation.

that the process of CFSP institutionalisation and Brusselisation have run parallel: that is, the physical move of foreign policy decision-making authority has been accompanied by an increase in the number of Brussels-based bureaucratic organisations, formal rules and informal norms. In this chapter, I probe how the institutionalisation of Europe’s foreign and security policy came about. In order to do

in EU Foreign and Security Policy in Bosnia

9 Foreign and security policy under Rodríguez Zapatero Zapatero Instrumental in securing and consolidating Spain’s membership of the EU during its period in office between 1982 and 1996, the PSOE was critical of the more explicitly nationalist discourse adopted by the PP government between 1996 and 2004. In its manifesto for the March 2004 general election, the PSOE contrasted the constructive approach towards European integration adopted by the governments led by Felipe González with the confrontational stance which characterised much of José María Aznar

in The Spanish Socialist Party and the modernisation of Spain
The consequences of using force to combat terrorism in a liberal democrac

6 British security policy and the Sunningdale Agreement: the consequences of using force to combat terrorism in a liberal democracy1 Aaron Edwards Throughout these difficult years, it has always been said that a solution lay in a twopronged approach: a vigorous onslaught against the terrorists, coupled with political advance. That political advance will shortly be a reality. – Rt Hon Francis Pym MP, Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, speaking after the Sunningdale Conference in December 1973 (House of Commons Debates (Hansard), 13 December 1973, Vol. 866

in Sunningdale, the Ulster Workers’ Council strike and the struggle for democracy in Northern Ireland

Introduction This study contends that when the Irish security and intelligence agencies were ordered to re-evaluate national security policy after 9/11 they did so in an atmosphere of heightened financial and political pressures on their organisations. Serious policy weaknesses occurred. Furthermore, several problems of policy persist. In Chapter 3 , the findings of

in Re-evaluating Irish national security policy

avoid being cut off from well practised ‘traffic rules’ for conducting policy. Historical institutionalism and, more particularly, Bulmer and Burch’s model of it, has emerged as a useful resource for the task of navigating the uncharted channels of Irish security policy. Its use underpins the conclusion that national security policy in the years after 9/11 was, fundamentally, the same as that

in Re-evaluating Irish national security policy
Abstract only

From the beginning of the 1990s, when the dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia brought war back to the European continent, the development of the EU’s foreign and security policy has remained inextricably linked to the fortunes of Bosnia and Herzegovina (hereafter Bosnia). In June 1991, just days before the war in Slovenia broke out, the Luxembourg Foreign

in EU Foreign and Security Policy in Bosnia
Abstract only

institutionalisation of EU foreign and security policy in the form of increasing numbers of CFSP bureaucratic bodies, formal rules and informal norms, as well as an increasing presence of the EU in Bosnia. After a very active, innovative, but generally unsuccessful intervention in the early stages of the crisis, the EU pledged itself to support post-conflict efforts by providing economic assistance and participating

in EU Foreign and Security Policy in Bosnia