Security: order and disorder
My most important job as your President is to defend the homeland; is to protect American people from further attacks. (George
W. Bush, 2002)
I think all citizens have a responsibility to join in this effort
against terrorism. People in Hollywood are citizens of the United
States … [W]e certainly need to … [use] whatever skills we can
deploy to help the war effort … We are trying to have communication with the armed forces, telling them that we … are grateful
to them … [E]very now and then you have to fight a war to
Security-risk management has long been a concern at Médecins du Monde (MdM),
as it was for other humanitarian agencies operating at the height of the Cold War.
However, it was in the 1990s that security had to address its own set of issues. The
collapse of the Soviet bloc and the post-Cold War conflicts created safety issues
for humanitarian agencies: a booming aid sector led to an increase in exposure,
together with a trend for
This book brings together a number of contributions that look into the political regulation of movement and analyses that engage the material enablers of and constraints on such movement. It attempts to bridge theoretical perspectives from critical security studies and political geography in order to provide a more comprehensive perspective on security and mobility. In this vein, the book brings together approaches to mobility that take into account both techniques and practices of regulating movement, as well as their underlying infrastructures. Together the contributions inquire into a politics of movement that lies at the core of the production of security. Drawing on the insight that security is a contingent concept that hinges on the social construction of threat – which in turn must be understood through its political, social, economic, and cultural dimensions – the contributors offer fine-grained perspectives on a presumably mobile and insecure world. The title of the book, Security/Mobility, is a direct reference to this world that at times appears dominated by these two paradigms. As is shown throughout the book, rather than being opposed to each other, a great deal of political effort is undertaken in order to reconcile the need for security and the necessity of mobility. Running through the book is the view that security and mobility are entangled in a constant dynamic – a dynamic that converges in what is conceptualised here as a politics of movement.
This strategy is guided by principled realism. It is realist because it acknowledges
the central role of power in international politics, affirms that sovereign states are the best
hope for a peaceful world, and clearly defines our national interests… We are also
realistic and understand that the American way of life cannot be imposed upon others, nor is it
the inevitable culmination of progress .
The White House, ‘National Security Strategy of the United States of America’
( The White House, 2017
The purpose of Chapter 1 was to consider a variety of forms of inclusion and
exclusion. Here we are more concerned with how these relate to a broader
system of security relations in post-Cold War Europe. In so
doing, this chapter utilises the notion of ‘security
community’ introduced in Chapter 2 . It was
noted there that during the Cold War, the Europe of the West (and indeed
➤ The principles of social security in the Welfare State
➤ Review of how social security developed up to 1979
➤ Description and analysis of the reforms and new attitude to social security
under the Conservatives after 1979
➤ Analysis of New Labour’s attitude to social security after 1997
BEVERIDGE: FROM THE CRADLE TO THE GRAVE
The Beveridge Report of 1942 which heralded in
the post-war Welfare State proposed a compreA form of taxation levied on
hensive National Insurance system which would
those in work and employers.
As former Brazilian ambassador to Washington Rubens Barbosa succinctly put it in 2007 , ‘Security is not an item on the agenda in South America… The problem here in the region is poverty… Security is an agenda performed by the US’ (Barbosa, 2007 ). When examined through the frame of mainstream international relations theory Brazil sits in a remarkably luxurious security situation. Although there are petty bureaucratic squabbles with the neighbours from time to time, there is no argument about the demarcation of national borders. Rio Branco’s success in
Based on geo- and biopolitical analyses, this book reconsiders how security policies and practices legitimate state and non-state violence in the Colombian conflict, and uses the case study of the official Democratic Security Policy (DSP) to examines how security discourses write the political identities of state, self and others. It claims that the DSP delimits politics, the political, and the imaginaries of peace and war through conditioning the possibilities for identity formation. The book offers an innovative application of a large theoretical framework on the performative character of security discourses and furthers a nuanced understanding of the security problematique in a postcolonial setting.
In the previous chapter I provided a detailed overview of the characteristics of current cybersecurity knowledge and in doing so identified some of limitations that lay within large sections of the research, while also arguing for the value of the constructivist cybersecurity agenda. What will follow in subsequent chapters is a Foucauldian-inspired constructivist analysis of the expert knowledge produced by private-sector internet security companies and its impact upon the constitution of the sorts of assumptions highlighted in the previous chapter