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activities to the DPRK, which has varied depending on the political climate. In recent years, the international humanitarian system has been subject to restrictions in the form of unilateral and United Nations Security Council (UNSC) sanctions. As of 2017, Americans must also apply for US government permission for DPRK travel. This paper goes beyond the policy of sanctions exemptions and asks how sanctions are affecting humanitarian work in practice. The following subsection reviews the methodology used in the research. A literature review rounds out the introduction
being a humanitarian worker has never been so complex and dangerous. Many humanitarian narratives are fuelled by the fears of organisations: they see their working space reduced under the joint pressure of states increasingly asserting their sovereignty and of more frequent security incidents due to direct targeting, all happening in the context of widespread erosion of international norms ( Shaheen, 2016 ; Bouchet-Saulnier and Whittall, 2019 ; UN Security Council
Conventions and reaffirmed in numerous resolutions of the UN General Assembly and Security Council since 1988 but it is nowhere defined ( Nyabeyeu Tchoukeu, 2018 ). In fact, in spite of the rise of the ‘right to interfere’ and ‘responsibility to protect’ doctrines and the Security Council urging States to allow ‘effective and unimpeded’ delivery of humanitarian aid under increasingly binding terms, to the point of sometimes authorising the use of force to secure assistance operations, no subsequent resolution explicitly refers to corridors as a concrete way to deliver
apparent détente between Washington DC and Pyongyang is not experienced by humanitarian agencies working in North Korea. Threats of mutual obliteration have given way to a slower process of asphyxia by bureaucratic impediments, mostly related to sanctions by the UN Security Council and the US government, on top of North Korea’s restrictions. Ideally, all actors (whether aid organisations or not) responding to a crisis should share similar – or at least compatible – goals and respect each other’s mandates. However, this is something that doesn’t happen in North Korea
messages of incitement’ ( UN Security Council, 2016 : 10). In one instance, a false news story, published on the website SouthSudanNation.com, stated that a general was planning to ‘massacre Equatorians’. The story spread through WhatsApp, YouTube and Facebook as well as offline networks, and was used ‘to mobilize others to take up arms to counter the “attack”’ ( Reeves, 2017 ; see also Lynch, 2017 ). Finally, false news has made it more difficult for relief organisations to operate. Organisations working with migrants in the
where you make a selfie with #NotATarget . We did the visual ceremony in front of the HUG [Hôpitaux Universitaires de Genève]. 11 MSF Belgium was running the Kunduz hospital campaign, so we mobilized a lot of bilateral meetings; there was a lot of negotiations at the US level, at the Afghanistan level. We even spoke out at the UN Security Council – which is a rare thing for MSF – with Joanne Liu and the ICRC [International Committee of the Red Cross]. 12 It was pure advocacy all the way and it became a very public campaign. We used it for as long as we could until
Freedoms, set out in 1941, provided particularly American inspiration for the post-war development of liberal global governance. 1 But the principles of great-power trusteeship and balancing, reflected in the Dumbarton Oaks proposals in 1944, were decisive in the creation of the United Nations. 2 Despite the early proliferation of liberal institutions under the aegis of the UN, Cold War prerogatives undermined cosmopolitan aspirations for world government. Cancelling each other out in the Security Council, the US and the Soviet Union
approached human rights – to do with our good relations with Iran, for example. There was a tension, but I don’t think there was an ontological contradiction. I think it is possible to work for a more democratic order – diffusing power, creating a more stable balance of power – while strengthening and democratising certain value systems. Doing so in a cooperative way, too. People might say it was just Brazil trying to extend its power and join the [UN] Security Council. But, in projecting soft power, I believe we were also promoting positive things: South
al. , 2017 ), even showing an increase after the adoption of UN Security Council resolution 2286 condemning those attacks ( UN, 2016 ). The violence that Syria’s health sector has experienced, especially in non-government-held areas, has had profound consequences. Hundreds of healthcare workers and patients have lost their lives, while the indirect effects in terms of trauma and loss of services continue to affect the population long after the attack has occurred ( Fouad
of sexual violence in the statutes of international and hybrid criminal tribunals and in UN Security Council Resolutions 3 , and the launch of a number of high-level initiatives. 4 However, the increased policy and rhetorical attention to conflict-related sexual violence has not resulted in systematic services for survivors on the ground. Significant gaps exist in sexual violence services for women and girls as well as for men and boys and survivors of other genders