Developed through a series of encounters with a Bosnian Serb soldier Stojan Sokolović, this book is a meditation on the possibilities and limitations of responding to the extreme violence of the Bosnian war. It explores the ethics of confronting the war criminal and investigates the possibility of responsibility not just to victims of war and war crimes, but also to the perpetrators of violence. The book explains how Stojan Sokolović attenuated the author to the fact that he was responsible, to everyone, all the time, and for everything. It exposes the complexity of the categories of good and evil. Silence is also the herald of violence, or its co-conspirator. The author and Stojan Sokolović were trapped in violence, discursive and material, and discursive that leads to material, and material that emanates from and leads back to discursive. Two years after beginning his research into identity and the politics of conflict in Bosnia and Kosovo, the author got the opportunity to visit the region presented itself. According to the vast majority of the literature of the 1990s on Bosnia, it was clear that the biggest problem with nationalist violence and intolerance was to be found in Republika Srpska. The book is the author's discourse on a variety of experiences, including those of ethics, politics, disasters, technologies, fieldwork, adventure tourism, and dilemmas.
The retreat of the Serbian army and civilians in 1915–16
. Furthermore, in
September and October 1913 large-scale fighting erupted at the SerbAlbanian demarcation line when armed groups from Albania attacked the
Serbs, in some cases with the assistance of the local Albanian population.
Serbian troops succeeded in re-establishing control by means of harsh
repression.10 It is hardly surprising that two years later fears resurfaced that
Serbian authority over Kosovo and Macedonia would again be challenged.
In early November 1915, around 300,000 Serbiansoldiers and between
50,000 and 60,000 refugees gathered in Kosovo. This
the great retreat and gave Flora Sandes a vocation in the Serbian army.
It drove Elsie Inglis to accompany her Serbiansoldiers to Russia when
she already knew she was suffering from cancer, and then to refuse to
leave without them as revolution engulfed the state.
After her service in Russia was cut short by revolution, Ellie Rendel
was determined to finish the war with the SWH. She arrived in Serbia
in October 1918 as the end of the war drew closer. She noted in a
It was a very interesting drive [to the Front]. The German and Bulgarian
civilian refugees accompanied the
soldiers. They brought with them another unwelcome guest: typhus.
In early 1916 those suffering from typhus were moved to the island
of Vido. Duson T. Batakovic states that ‘At least 7,000 Serbiansoldiers died in Vido, of whom the majority were buried in the Ionian Sea
which later became known among Serbs as a “blue tomb”.’17 SWH
doctor Mary McNeil, visiting Corfu after the war, noted that 20,000
Serbs were buried there.18 There was an urgent need to get the Serbian
army back into the field. While some were slowly moved to Salonika in
sense of fear. The Serbiansoldiers are portrayed as a set of amiable roughnecks, and Sandes’s writing sanitises the realities of war.
Eventually, Sandes enlisted as a soldier in the Serbian army and rose
to the rank of sergeant. Upon returning home to England, she found
it almost impossible to tolerate wearing women’s clothes and assimilated only with difficulty back into civilian life.42 And yet an unconscious – and entirely instinctive – sense of herself as a woman who
ought to be protected comes through in her writing.
Another woman who projected a heroic
part of the artistic foundation upon which Serbian nationalistic culture was built. The best
known of these poems, ‘The Downfall of the Serbian Empire’, by the
nineteenth-century poet Vuk Karadzic (1787–1864), which tells of
Lazar’s fateful choice, was still being recited by the Serbiansoldiers of
Mabel St Clair Stobart’s flying column in 1915, and by West’s Serbian
guides in 1937. It tells the story that the prophet Elijah visited Lazar
on the day of the battle, in the form of a grey hawk, the same grey
falcon of West’s title. Elijah offers Lazar a choice.
Stobart knows they will escape and she believes she knows why.
Stobart believes it is because of these women, who go about their everyday business so serenely in the face of the enemy guns, because they
will continue to do so for the next two months, carrying with them the
Serbiansoldiers attached to the unit, ensuring that they are the only
British women of the Eastern Front
military column in the retreat who do not lose a single man to death
or desertion. Stobart believes that these women bring alternative skills
to the front line, by playing out the roles
expected that such conventional
models would hold little appeal, and would consequentially be of
minimal relevance in 1914. Yet the cultural prejudices that commonly underpinned ideas of the Union sacrée or Burgfriedenspolitik
were widely shared by anarchists on both sides of the interventionist debate. Anarchists including Kropotkin readily adopted the kind
of idioms that were regularly exploited in war propaganda to, for
example, laud Belgian troops equipped with ‘the doggedness of the
English type’ or depict the Serbsoldier as a ‘hero, a born fighter,
widespread reportage of incidents which
highlighted injustice and Albanian or Kosovar violence directed against
Serbs or Christians. The first of these, the death of a Serbsoldier in 1987,
became well known as a result of Serbian coverage. As the journalist Tim
Judah notes, ‘On the 3 September Aziz Kelmendi, an Albanian conscript in
the army, went berserk, killing four other conscripts before turning the gun
on himself. Only one was Serb, but the Serbian media, which was increasingly coming under Milosevic’s influence and control, unleashed a barrage
Stories of war in
executed by the Bosnian Serbsoldiers. In fact his brother and father were amongst those civilians who had sought refuge in the UN compound and were told they could not stay. The Dutch Supreme Court relied on the rules on institutional responsibility (embodied in ARIO) to hold that, in principle, the same conduct could be attributed to both the UN and the Netherlands. 54 The Dutch government argued that UNPROFOR was a subsidiary organ of the UN and, therefore, that the UN was responsible for any wrongful acts or omissions of peacekeepers. 55 However, the applicants