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Tentative bridge-building to China during the Johnson years
Author: Michael Lumbers

This is a comprehensive study of US policy towards China during the presidency of Lyndon Baines Johnson, a critical phase of the Cold War immediately preceding the dramatic Sino-American rapprochement of the early 1970s. Based on a wide array of recently declassified government documents, it challenges the popular view that Johnson's approach to China was marked by stagnation and sterility, exploring the administration's relationship to both the Vietnam War and the Cultural Revolution. By documenting Johnson's contributions to the decision-making process, the book offers a new perspective on both his capacity as a foreign-policy leader and his role in the further development of the Cold War.

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Michael Lumbers

, attention increasingly turned to speculating on what orientation a post-Mao regime might assume and whether or not the US could facilitate this transition by further policy reform. In short, this period witnessed the establishment of many of the perceptual preconditions for the Sino-American rapprochement that unfolded during the Nixon years. The purpose of this book is fourfold. First, as the only full-length analysis of the Johnson administration’s China record, it makes the most extensive use of the considerable documentation now available and carefully traces the

in Piercing the bamboo curtain
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Convergence across time
Harsh V. Pant

strong military power. Moreover, Moscow was the only arms supplier sympathetic to India’s philosophy of a self-sufficient military establishment.7 The 1971 treaty: India’s balance of power strategy As the regional security environment deteriorated in the early 1970s, India sought even closer ties with Moscow. India had realized that without India and Russia 53 unfettered access to Soviet arms it would not be able to pursue the military option. On the other hand, the Sino-American rapprochement facilitated by Pakistan was constraining India’s room to maneuver. It was

in Indian foreign policy
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An aborted policy review and closing moves, 1968–69
Michael Lumbers

toward us … it is important for us to quickly respond.”11 While somewhat less optimistic, Jenkins agreed that the latest Warsaw session was “an additional indication that the more extreme phase of the Cultural Revolution may be over.”12 Similarly encouraged by signs of a new Chinese approach, Under Secretary of State Katzenbach instructed both the East Asian bureau and the Policy Planning Council 218— P I E R C I N G T H E B A M B O O C U RTA I N to prepare a study on how a Sino-American rapprochement might unfold.13 This heightened interest in reappraising the US

in Piercing the bamboo curtain
Impact of structural tensions and thresholds
Eşref Aksu

installations, 63 prompting China to move further away from the Soviet bloc, making the Sino-American rapprochement of the early 1970s possible. 64 In 1972, in the wake of the escalating Vietnam crisis, the superpowers signed a document setting out twelve basic principles governing their relations. 65 The agreement had three main provisions. 66 The first held that in the nuclear age there was no

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
The contest for ideology
Sung Lee

desire for new approaches at WHO surely existed by the turn of the decade, but the catalyst of change at WHO was the entry of China. China and the ‘barefoot doctors’ From the founding of the UN and WHO, the delegate representing China had hailed from the Republic of China, based on the island of Formosa. In 1972 the Sino-American rapprochement which had begun in the late

in Western medicine as contested knowledge
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Michael Lumbers

determined that Sino-American rapprochement was impossible so long as Mao, who would of course prove instrumental in bringing about the eventual thaw in relations, continued to rule. These ideologically tinged attitudes prevented elements of the new Nixon administration from seeing the potential for reconciliation with the mainland. The State Department’s China experts, many of them holdovers from the Johnson years, continued to regard the PRC as primarily a revolutionary power opposed to the international status quo. To an audience accustomed to Chinese radicalism

in Piercing the bamboo curtain
Autopilot, neglect or worse?
Nick Bisley

’s growing power and assertiveness, and uncertainty about American influence and purpose – which has unsettled the region’s security environment most of all. Trump’s election has opened a door for China to increase its influence in the region, which it is plainly trying to do. Equally, US allies and partners are beginning to explore ways by which they can become less dependent on Washington. Since the Sino-American rapprochement, the United States has sought to retain its position as the pre-eminent power in the region. After a brief period in the mid-1990s in which it

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Zheng Yangwen

States had never been a friend of the Communists, and the PRC considered America its arch enemy as the US continued to support the GMD regime in Taiwan after 1949. Where to start with Sino-American rapprochement? The answer came from an unlikely event. The PRC sent a delegation to the Thirty-First World Table Tennis Championship held in Nagoya, Japan, from 28 March to 7 April 1971, at which China would go on to win the men’s competition. During an outing on 2 April, a group of American players exchanged greetings with Chinese players, asking them when China

in Ten Lessons in Modern Chinese History
Zheng Yangwen

international games, much like the Soviet Union and other Communist bloc countries did. Although barred from participating in the Olympic Games between 1952 and 1979, this did not prevent the PRC from participating in other regional and international games, where sport became diplomacy during the Cold War. ‘Ping-pong diplomacy’ played a role larger than the sport itself, as it led to Sino-American rapprochement and hastened the end of the Cold War, as we learnt in Lesson 7 . Sport was to play an even bigger role in the post-Mao era. The International Olympic Committee (IOC

in Ten Lessons in Modern Chinese History