Softpower and welfare work
Investigations of the encounter between welfare workers and citizens must
use a concept of power that does not automatically privilege, for instance,
the particular profession of welfare workers, as is done in much literature
on professions. The concept of power must be based on a dialectic relationship between what can be called the objective structures and the subjective
experiences of these structures (Giddens’  concept of structuration).
To situate analyses of welfare encounters within the structure
Spanish rhetorics of empire from the 1950s to the 1970s
This chapter proposes a comprehensive approach to imperial rhetorics in the Spanish African territories. It explains the shifting connotations of Spain's imperial rhetoric on three different analytical levels. The chapter addresses the official construction of Spain's inclusive imperial discourse, hispanotropicalismo, which, like its closely related Portuguese counterpart lusotropicalismo, promoted the fiction of harmonious multi-ethnic and multi-continental nations. This imperial discourse was underpinned with rhetorics of progress and modernization that registered major impact in the colonies on an individual level, namely, on both imperial agents from peninsular Spain and 'partners' from the colonies. The chapter presents a case study of the colonial branch of Spain's official women's organization Seccion Femenina de Falange (SF) and its efforts to foster a cooperative, female elite. It reveals how official rhetorics legitimized and shaped actions in the so-called overseas provinces.
Since the 1990s, European welfare states have undergone substantial changes regarding their objectives, areas of intervention and instruments of use. There has been an increasing move towards the prioritisation of the involvement of citizens and the participation of civil society. This book focuses on the altered (powerful) conditions for encounters between citizens and welfare workers. It uses the concept of soft power, which, inter alia, allows for the investigations of the ways in which individuals manipulate each other in an effort to achieve their desired goals. The first part of the book discusses extracts from state-of-the-art research on professions and expertise, and the perception of power that guides the analyses. It also discusses the overall theoretical positioning when analysing encounters between welfare workers and citizens as co-productive and interactionist. The second part presents analyses to show how a bureaucratic context affects the encounter between administrators and clients, and how a market context affects the encounter between service providers and consumers/customers. The analysis of how a psychology-inspired context affects the encounter between coaches and coaches is also provided. All three contexts are to be perceived as Weberian ideal types, in other words, theoretical constructs based on observations of the real world. The concluding part of the book emphasises on the role of the principles of the bureaucracy, the norms from psychology, and the values of the market in the welfare encounter. Key points of the book are summarised in the conclusion.
According to this book, Romania's predatory rulers, the heirs of the sinister communist dictator Ceauşescu, have inflicted a humiliating defeat on the European Union. The book argues that Brussels was tricked into offering full membership to this Balkan country in return for substantial reforms which its rulers now refuse to carry out. It unmasks the failure of the EU to match its visionary promises of transforming Romania with the shabby reality. Benefiting from access to internal reports and leading figures involved in a decade of negotiations, the book shows how Eurocrats were outwitted by unscrupulous local politicians who turned the EU's multi-level decision-making processes into a laughing-stock. The EU's famous ‘soft power’ turned out to be a mirage, as it was unable to summon up the willpower to insist that this key Balkan state embraced its standards of behaviour in the political and economic realms. The book unravels policy failures in the areas of justice, administrative and agricultural reform, showing how Romania moved backwards politically during the years of negotiations.
The purpose of this book is to critically enhance the appreciation of diplomacy
and sport in global affairs from the perspective of practitioners and scholars.
The book will make an important new contribution to at least two distinct
fields: diplomacy and sport, as well as to those concerned with history,
politics, sociology and international relations. The critical analysis the book
provides explores the linkages across these fields, particularly in relation to
soft power and public diplomacy, and is supported by a wide range of sources and
methodologies. The book draws in a range of scholars across these different
fields, and includes esteemed FIFA scholar Professor Alan Tomlinson. Tomlinson
addresses diplomacy within the world’s global game of Association Football,
while other subjects include the rise of mega-sport events as sites of
diplomacy, new consideration of Chinese ping-pong diplomacy prior to the 1970s
and the importance of boycotts in sport – particularly in relation to newly
explored dimensions of the boycotts of the 1980 and 1984 Olympic Games. The
place of non-state actors is explored throughout: be they individual or
institutions they perform a crucial role as conduits of the transactions of
sport and diplomacy. Based on twentieth- and twenty-first-century evidence, the
book acknowledges antecedents from the ancient Olympics to the contemporary era,
and in its conclusions offers avenues for further study based on the future
sport and diplomacy relationship. The book has a strong international basis
because it covers a broad range of countries, their diplomatic relationship with
sport and is written by a truly transnational cast of authors. The intense media
scrutiny of the Olympic Games, FIFA World Cup and other international sports
will also contribute to the global interest in this volume.
The book represents the first comprehensive account of the public and cultural
diplomacy campaigns carried out by the United States in Yugoslavia during the
height of the Cold War. Based on extensive multinational archival research, as
well as private papers and personal interviews, this book charts the reasoning
behind the US campaign and the impact it had on specific Yugoslav communities
and individuals. American soft power, as a form of cultural power, deliberately
sought to ‘open up’ a relatively closed society through the provision and
diffusion of liberal traditions, ideas, and ideals. Tito and his Party allowed
USIA and State Department cultural programs to enter Yugoslavia, liberated from
Soviet control, to open cultural centres and pavilions at its main fairs, to
broadcast Voice of America, and have American artists tour the country.
Exchanges of intellectual and political personnel helped foster the US–Yugoslav
relationship, but posed severe ideological challenges for both countries. By
providing new insights into porous borders between freedom and coercion in
Tito’s regime, the book shows how public diplomacy acted as an external input
for Yugoslav liberalization and dissident movements. Meant for students,
scholars, and general readers interested in the cultural Cold War, international
relations, and diplomacy, this book fills a gap in the literature by looking at
the political role of culture in US–Yugoslav bilateral relations, analysing the
fluid links between information and propaganda, and the unintended effects
propaganda can produce beyond the control of producers and receivers.
An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister
played an important role
in the BRICS, promoted multilateralism and human rights and challenged protectionism.
Unfortunately, today, Brazil isn’t exporting a single idea. But when we have a legitimate
government once again, Brazil will work on these things and on South–South
JF: The human rights and humanitarian movements have often been seen as vectors of
Western influence – expressions of softpower – not only because of their practices
but also because of the cultural origins of their ideals…
CA: … Which is not necessarily a
important in a world whose rules they did not write,
allege that human rights and humanitarianism represent the soft-power version of Western
modernity, another vector for the transmission of liberal-capitalist values and interests that
threatens their hold on national power and resources. China, with its muscular conception of
sovereignty and its no-questions-asked relationship with other authoritarian states, leads the
way. These non-Western states can hardly be blamed for their scepticism given the degree to which
humanitarians often attend crises
The Law and Politics of Responding to Attacks against Aid Workers
Julia Brooks and Rob Grace
of public denunciation or withdrawal, for example).
However, as the analysis of this article suggests, we are far from a world in which legal accountability, public advocacy and the relational and softpower aspects of negotiation entirely succeed in this manner. When ‘acceptance’-based or ‘deterrence’-based approaches fall short, humanitarian organisations have prioritised mitigating vulnerabilities. Indeed, modes of physical fortification and maintaining a low profile in line with a ‘protection’ approach remain prevalent in many insecure contexts. There are
sanctions, and more persuasive ‘softpower’ assets would both be employed. This chapter discusses how China uses these assets to promote its external goals.
The current global footprint of China is relatively recent. Even now, the vast majority of Chinese live in the country’s heartland, the North China Plain, dominated by the majority Han ethnic group and one of the most densely populated parts of the planet. To its north lies the Gobi Desert, to the west an increasingly hilly terrain that becomes the Tibetan plateau and to the south and south