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Author: Elliot Vernon

This book seeks to locate the London presbyterian movement in the metropolitan, parliamentarian and British politics of the mid-seventeenth-century crisis. It explores the emergence of the presbyterian movement in London from the collapse of Charles I’s monarchy, the movement’s influence on the parliamentarian political struggles of the civil war and interregnum and concludes by looking at the beginnings of Restoration nonconformity. The work covers the political, intellectual and social history of the London presbyterian movement, looking at the development of ideas of presbyterian church government and political theory, as well as exploring the London presbyterians’ mobilisation and organisation to establish their vision of reforming the Reformation. The work addresses the use of the ‘information revolution’ in the British revolution, analysing religious disputation, the political use of rumour and gossip and the interface between oral and written culture. It argues that the London presbyterian movement, whose participants are often the foils to explorations of other individuals or groups in historical writing, was critical to the dynamic of the politics of the period.

Andrew Holmes

This article examines Presbyterian interpretations in Scotland and Ireland of the Scottish Reformations of 1560 and 1638–43. It begins with a discussion of the work of two important Presbyterian historians of the early nineteenth century, the Scotsman, Thomas McCrie, and the Irishman, James Seaton Reid. In their various publications, both laid the template for the nineteenth-century Presbyterian understanding of the Scottish Reformations by emphasizing the historical links between the Scottish and Irish churches in the early-modern period and their common theology and commitment to civil and religious liberty against the ecclesiastical and political tyranny of the Stuarts. The article also examines the commemorations of the National Covenant in 1838, the Solemn League and Covenant in 1843, and the Scottish Reformation in 1860. By doing so, it uncovers important religious and ideological linkages across the North Channel, including Presbyterian evangelicalism, missionary activity, church–state relationships, religious reform and revival, and anti-Catholicism.

Bulletin of the John Rylands Library
Jordan S. Downs

over the Solemn League and Covenant, were forcing into the open questions that might previously have been avoided. Driving matters of political and religious polarization were several practical concerns. Not least were changes to parliament’s leadership in late 1643. 8 Parliament’s war coalition lost an important leader when Henry Marten was expelled from the House. Not long after Londoners had diverted

in Civil war London
Elliot Vernon

the Commonwealth regime. The presbyterian clergy were asked to make this declaration early, it being applied to ministers on 12 October 1649. 19 The Engagement thereupon became a banner under which to rally opposition to the Commonwealth. In mid-November, London’s churches were daubed with printed broadsheets naming the (mainly Independent) clergymen who ‘in diametricall opposition’ to the Solemn League and Covenant had taken the Engagement. 20 At the same time, The man in the moon newspaper noted the united front of the Sion

in London presbyterians and the British revolutions, 1638–64
David J. Appleby

bishops and royalist clergy who had so recently been restored to their former livings – explains why so many would continue to preach (albeit illegally) decades after Black Bartholomew’s Day had passed. The numbers of Bartholomeans who were actually too young to have participated in the Civil Wars or the framing of the Solemn League and Covenant has already been noted. Given that they were consequently less fettered by the past than their older colleagues, the fact that so many young clergy proved to be disaffected further fuelled Cavalier-Anglican insecurities.14 At

in Black Bartholomew’s Day
Elliot Vernon

exclusion in 1648, the London presbyterians attempted to achieve similar results in the period 1645–8. The politics of exclusion was predicated on obtaining religious uniformity among those holding political office, with subscription to the Solemn League and Covenant and confessional Reformed orthodoxy acting as the test for participation in the city’s government. The first shot in the presbyterian campaign was fired during the ward petitions of 22 December 1645, discussed in chapter 5 , which sought to convince London

in London presbyterians and the British revolutions, 1638–64
Edward Legon

Anthony Wood reported hearing similar attacks on Dissenters, including on 30 January 1683, when Francis White of Balliol College had preached a sermon at St Mary’s, Oxford, that was ‘very satyricall and bitter against the phanaticks.’108 The tradition of bonfire building on 29 May comprised yet another opportunity to carry out deeply symbolic attacks on those who were associated with the revolution of the 1640s and 1650s. This was especially the case on 29 May 1661, only a week after the House of Lords ordered that all extant copies of the Solemn League and Covenant in

in Revolution remembered
Abstract only
Elliot Vernon

Solemn League and Covenant and the proposals for a limited monarchy contained in the Newcastle Propositions or the treaty of Newport. In this vision, Reformed protestant doctrine would be protected by the dismantling of the king’s royal supremacy and the adoption of a localist but conciliar form of church polity in the national church. These projected reforms were part of the early parliamentarian ‘war party’ vision of the aims of the civil war and the view, sometimes expressed in surveys of period, that the political

in London presbyterians and the British revolutions, 1638–64
The polity of the British episcopal churches, 1603–62
Benjamin M. Guyer

Pope, cast the Prelates out also as Members of the Beast’.52 For at least some participants, the civil wars set Christ’s true church against the forces of the Antichrist. The Solemn League and Covenant of 1643 was much the same. It advocated ‘the reformation of Religion in the Kingdoms of England and Ireland’, calling for the preservation of the monarchy while simultaneously identifying the ‘Extirpation’ of episcopacy as one of its principal goals.53 The civil wars were indeed wars of religion. Despite such apocalyptic clarity, episcopacy retained considerable

in Church polity and politics in the British Atlantic world, c. 1635–66
Elliot Vernon

his evil counsellors. 71 Thomas Case, the presbyterian minister of St Mary Magdalen, Milk Street, and his wife Ann, led the whole parish in taking the Vow and Covenant unequivocally. 72 One intent behind the imposition of the Vow and Covenant and the calling of the Westminster assembly in July was to signal to the Edinburgh regime that the English Parliament was seeking a military alliance with Scotland. 73 The key document of this alliance, the Solemn League and Covenant, drafted largely by Alexander Henderson

in London presbyterians and the British revolutions, 1638–64