Democratic and Republican Party candidates, Barack Obama and John McCain, both listed For Whom the Bell Tolls among their favourite novels, their literary tastes highlighting the enduring appeal of Ernest Hemingway’s SpanishCivilWar epic, at least in the US. (Keller, 2008 ) The novel was first published in 1940, and Paramount Pictures released a cinema adaptation in 1943. An analysis of the film and its transition from page to screen forms the main part of this chapter. 1 As background to this analysis, and in order to highlight the changing nature of US cinematic
The Labour Party, pacifism
and the SpanishCivilWar
On 18 September 1931 Japan invaded China on the pretext that a
Japanese railway in Manchuria had suffered from Chinese sabotage.
Japanese troops over-ran Manchuria and set up a puppet state. China
appealed to the League of Nations for assistance under Article 11 of
the Covenant, and the League responded by asking Japan to evacuate
the territory it had occupied. Japan, which had signed up to the
Covenant of the League of Nations and the Briand-Kellogg Pact
The SpanishCivilWar provided material for the great myth of East Germany from its earliest days. From the ranks of the International Brigades came trusted and proven ideologues, and from the stories of its heroics came models of socialist sacrifice. In the cult of antifascism, victims of both National Socialism/fascism and Stalinism were linked together and became posthumous victors. They were raised to the rank of immortality, but the symbolic use of their names diverged completely from the historical persons: they became a type, a collective identity
This book charts the changing nature of cinematic depictions of the Spanish Civil
War. In 1936, a significant number of artists, filmmakers and writers – from
George Orwell and Pablo Picasso to Joris Ivens and Joan Miró – rallied to
support the country's democratically elected Republican government. The
arts have played an important role in shaping popular understandings of the
Spanish Civil War, and the book examines the specific role cinema has played in
this process. Its focus is on fictional feature films produced within Spain and
beyond its borders between the 1940s and the early years of the twenty-first
century – including Hollywood blockbusters, East European films, the work of the
avant garde in Paris and films produced under Franco's censorial
This article considers how the reburial and commemoration of the human remains of the
Republican defeated during the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) is affected by the social,
scientific and political context in which the exhumations occur. Focusing on a particular
case in the southwestern region of Extremadura, it considers how civil society groups
administer reburial acts when a positive identification through DNA typing cannot be
attained. In so doing, the article examines how disparate desires and memories come
together in collective reburial of partially individuated human remains.
Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, Spain has experienced a cycle of
exhumations of the mass graves of the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) and has rediscovered
that the largest mass grave of the state is the monument that glorifies the Franco regime:
the Valley of the Fallen. Building work in the Sierra de Guadarrama, near Madrid, was
begun in 1940 and was not completed until 1958. This article analyses for the first time
the regimes wish, from the start of the works, for the construction of the Valley of the
Fallen to outdo the monument of El Escorial. At the same time the regime sought to create
a new location to sanctify the dictatorship through the vast transfer to its crypts of the
remains of the dead of the opposing sides of the war.
This is the first book in a two-volume set that traces the evolution of the Labour Party's foreign policy throughout the twentieth century and into the early years of the new millennium. It is a comprehensive study of the political ideology and history of the Labour Party's world-view and foreign policy. The set argues that the development of Labour's foreign policy perspective should be seen not as the development of a socialist foreign policy, but as an application of the ideas of liberal internationalism. The first volume outlines and assesses the early development and evolution of Labour's world-view. It then follows the course of the Labour Party's foreign policy during a tumultuous period on the international stage, including the First World War, the Russian Revolution, the Spanish Civil War, the build-up to and violent reality of the Second World War, and the start of the Cold War. The book provides an analysis of Labour's foreign policy during this period, in which Labour experienced power for the first time.
This book demonstrates the continuities and the changes in wartime nursing during the one hundred years, from 1854 to 1953. It examines the work that nurses of many differing nations undertook during the Crimean War, the Boer War, the Spanish Civil War, both World Wars and the Korean War. The influence that Florence Nightingale had on Southern women providing nursing care to Confederate soldiers during the American Civil War, and the work of the flight nurses, are detailed. The book also examines the challenges faced by nurses caring for the thousands of soldiers suffering from typhoid epidemics, and those at the Norwegian Mobile Army Surgical Hospital (NORMASH). The decades following the Crimean War witnessed a burgeoning of personal narratives relating accounts of nurses who ministered to combatants in the Franco-Prussian and Anglo-Zulu wars. In considering the work of First World War military nurses, the book explores the dangerous military and political worlds in which nurses negotiated their practice. The book argues that the air evacuation system which had originated during the Second World War was an exciting nursing innovation for the service of the Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF). At the beginning of the Second Anglo-Boer War, there were three distinct groups of female nurses: the Army Nursing Reserve; civilian nurses; and volunteers, many of whom came under the auspices of the Red Cross. The humanitarian work of trained and volunteer nurses after the liberation of Bergen-Belsen in 1945, and their clinical wisdom enabled many of the victims to rehabilitate.
Between 1933 and 1940, Manchester received between seven and eight thousand refugees from Fascist Europe. They included Jewish academics expelled from universities in Germany, Austria, Spain and Italy. Around two hundred were children from the Basque country of Spain evacuated to Britain on a temporary basis in 1937 as the fighting of the Spanish Civil War neared their home towns. Most were refugees fleeing Nazi persecution in Germany, Austria and Czechoslovakia. As much as 95% of the refugees from Nazism were Jews threatened by the increasingly violent anti-Semitism of the Nazi regime. The rest were Communists, Social Democrats, Pacifists, Liberals, Confessional Christians and Sudeten Germans. There have been several valuable studies of the response of the British government to the refugee crisis. This study seeks to assess the responses in one city—Manchester—which had long cultivated an image of itself as a ‘liberal city’. Using documentary and oral sources, including interviews with Manchester refugees, it explores the work of those sectors of local society that took part in the work of rescue: Jewish communal organisations, the Society of Friends, the Rotarians, the University of Manchester, secondary schools in and around Manchester, pacifist bodies, the Roman Catholic Church and industrialists from the Manchester region. The book considers the reasons for their choices to help to assesses their degree of success and the forces which limited their effectiveness.
This book compares the worldviews and factors that promoted or, indeed, opposed anti-semitism amongst Catholics in Germany and England after the First World War. As a prequel to books on Hitler, fascism and genocide, it turns towards ideas and attitudes that preceded and shaped the ideologies of the 1920s and 1940s. Apart from the long tradition of Catholic anti-Jewish prejudices, the book discusses new and old alternatives to European modernity offered by Catholics in Germany and England. Numerous events in the interwar years provoked anti-Jewish responses among Catholics: the revolutionary end of the war and financial scandals in Germany; Palestine and the Spanish Civil War in England. At the same time, the rise of fascism and National Socialism gave Catholics the opportunity to respond to the anti-democratic and anti-semitic waves these movements created in their wake. The book is a political history of ideas that introduces Catholic views of modern society, race, nation and the ‘Jewish question’. It shows to what extent these views were able to inform political and social activity.