Search results

You are looking at 1 - 10 of 507 items for :

  • "Spanish Civil War" x
  • Refine by access: All content x
Clear All
For Whom the Bell Tolls
David Archibald

Democratic and Republican Party candidates, Barack Obama and John McCain, both listed For Whom the Bell Tolls among their favourite novels, their literary tastes highlighting the enduring appeal of Ernest Hemingway’s Spanish Civil War epic, at least in the US. (Keller, 2008 ) The novel was first published in 1940, and Paramount Pictures released a cinema adaptation in 1943. An analysis of the film and its transition from page to screen forms the main part of this chapter. 1 As background to this analysis, and in order to highlight the changing nature of US cinematic

in The war that won't die
Rhiannon Vickers

Vic05 10/15/03 2:11 PM Page 107 Chapter 5 The Labour Party, pacifism and the Spanish Civil War On 18 September 1931 Japan invaded China on the pretext that a Japanese railway in Manchuria had suffered from Chinese sabotage. Japanese troops over-ran Manchuria and set up a puppet state. China appealed to the League of Nations for assistance under Article 11 of the Covenant, and the League responded by asking Japan to evacuate the territory it had occupied. Japan, which had signed up to the Covenant of the League of Nations and the Briand-Kellogg Pact (thereby

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
Fünf Patronenhülsen/Five Cartridges
David Archibald

The Spanish Civil War provided material for the great myth of East Germany from its earliest days. From the ranks of the International Brigades came trusted and proven ideologues, and from the stories of its heroics came models of socialist sacrifice. In the cult of antifascism, victims of both National Socialism/fascism and Stalinism were linked together and became posthumous victors. They were raised to the rank of immortality, but the symbolic use of their names diverged completely from the historical persons: they became a type, a collective identity

in The war that won't die
David Carlton

not unrelated matter was his need to decide how to react to the Spanish Civil War, which broke out in July 1936. So far as the Soviet Union was concerned, his first serious move in its direction came in 1934. Ambassador Maisky wrote in 1966: 'In the middle of 1934 Churchill on his own initiative made my acquaintance and thereafter made every effort to develop our relations.' 3 This claim is not endorsed by Churchill's authorised biographer, who appears to place their first meeting in 1936. 4 But in any case such a meeting, if it actually occurred in 1934, would

in Churchill and The Soviet Union
Zahira Araguete-Toribio

This article considers how the reburial and commemoration of the human remains of the Republican defeated during the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) is affected by the social, scientific and political context in which the exhumations occur. Focusing on a particular case in the southwestern region of Extremadura, it considers how civil society groups administer reburial acts when a positive identification through DNA typing cannot be attained. In so doing, the article examines how disparate desires and memories come together in collective reburial of partially individuated human remains.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
Queralt Solé

Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, Spain has experienced a cycle of exhumations of the mass graves of the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) and has rediscovered that the largest mass grave of the state is the monument that glorifies the Franco regime: the Valley of the Fallen. Building work in the Sierra de Guadarrama, near Madrid, was begun in 1940 and was not completed until 1958. This article analyses for the first time the regimes wish, from the start of the works, for the construction of the Valley of the Fallen to outdo the monument of El Escorial. At the same time the regime sought to create a new location to sanctify the dictatorship through the vast transfer to its crypts of the remains of the dead of the opposing sides of the war.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
Religious nationalism, mystical anarchism, and the Spanish Civil War in Sylvia Townsend Warner’s After the Death of Don Juan
Casey Andrews

directly from her experiences in Spain and, as I argue here, out of deep admiration for anarchism as a secular political theology that rivals the fusion of Catholicism, nationalism, and fascism that inflamed the Spanish Civil War. Her investigation of Catholic Christianity as a social force (rather than a private, devotional, or ‘spiritual’ faith) emerges through the experimental

in Mid-century women's writing
The Spanish Civil War in cinema
Author:

This book charts the changing nature of cinematic depictions of the Spanish Civil War. In 1936, a significant number of artists, filmmakers and writers – from George Orwell and Pablo Picasso to Joris Ivens and Joan Miró – rallied to support the country's democratically elected Republican government. The arts have played an important role in shaping popular understandings of the Spanish Civil War, and the book examines the specific role cinema has played in this process. Its focus is on fictional feature films produced within Spain and beyond its borders between the 1940s and the early years of the twenty-first century – including Hollywood blockbusters, East European films, the work of the avant garde in Paris and films produced under Franco's censorial dictatorship.

Abstract only
The futures of graveyard Gothic
Eric Parisot
,
David McAllister
, and
Xavier Aldana Reyes

the crimes committed during the Spanish Civil War (and the dictatorship that followed) to facilitate a swift transition to democracy. The consequences of this decision on the Spanish psyche are myriad and active in contemporary geopolitical tussles, especially the fractious relationships between regions like Catalonia or the Basque Country and the central government (Aldana Reyes, 2021 ). The

in Graveyard Gothic
Manchester and the rescue of the victims of European fascism, 1933–1940
Author:

Between 1933 and 1940, Manchester received between seven and eight thousand refugees from Fascist Europe. They included Jewish academics expelled from universities in Germany, Austria, Spain and Italy. Around two hundred were children from the Basque country of Spain evacuated to Britain on a temporary basis in 1937 as the fighting of the Spanish Civil War neared their home towns. Most were refugees fleeing Nazi persecution in Germany, Austria and Czechoslovakia. As much as 95% of the refugees from Nazism were Jews threatened by the increasingly violent anti-Semitism of the Nazi regime. The rest were Communists, Social Democrats, Pacifists, Liberals, Confessional Christians and Sudeten Germans. There have been several valuable studies of the response of the British government to the refugee crisis. This study seeks to assess the responses in one city—Manchester—which had long cultivated an image of itself as a ‘liberal city’. Using documentary and oral sources, including interviews with Manchester refugees, it explores the work of those sectors of local society that took part in the work of rescue: Jewish communal organisations, the Society of Friends, the Rotarians, the University of Manchester, secondary schools in and around Manchester, pacifist bodies, the Roman Catholic Church and industrialists from the Manchester region. The book considers the reasons for their choices to help to assesses their degree of success and the forces which limited their effectiveness.