Athletes start the century as normal, healthy citizens, and end up as potentially unhealthy physiological 'freaks', while the general public are increasingly urged to do more exercise and play more sports. This book offers a comprehensive study, and social history, of the development of sports medicine in Britain, as practiced by British doctors and on British athletes in national and international settings. It describes how and why, in Britain, medicine applied to sport became first an area of expertise known as sports medicine, and then a formal medical specialty: Sport and Exercise Medicine. In the late nineteenth century, vigorous exercise was an acceptable, probably necessary, part of the moderate healthy lifestyle for the normal, healthy man. Consequently sports medicine was part and parcel of normal medical treatment, distinguishable only through its location or through its patient history. There was no wide-spread de facto scepticism about the value of vigorous exercise among physicians and scientists. The normality of the young male athlete is reconsidered between 1928 and 1952. At the end of the period, the athlete becomes an abnormal or supernormal human being who demands specialist medical interventions. The formation and work of British Association of Sport and (Exercise) Medicine, the Institute of Sports Medicine, the Sports Council, and the British Olympic Association's Medical Committee is discussed. The book finally discusses fitness. Normal life, war, elite competition gives us an insight into how athletic bodies are conceptualised, and how sports medicine has formed and reformed over a century.
dedicated to the collation and provision of specialist sports medicine advice, and it closes in 1970 with the SportsCouncil initiating a study into the feasibility of using taxpayers’ money to fund sports injuries clinics for the general public.
The intervening years saw a proliferation of organisations related to sports medicine ; after BAS(E)M in 1953 came the British Olympic Association’s Medical Committee (1959), the Institute of Sports Medicine (1963), the SportsCouncil’s Research and Statistics Committee (1965), and other specialist organisations. 2 As a
symbolised a real challenge to the very justification for sports medicine – the athletic body as a discrete medical object.
Although the leisure revolution of the 1970s was not quite as dramatic as promised (the leisure boom of the 1960s being curtailed by economic problems in the early ’70s), rising personal wealth did lead to an increased participation in sport, athletics and exercise in leisure time. 1 This was added to by increasing state intervention in sport, through the SportsCouncil and other organisations, an emergent public health drive to encourage exercise
Refiguring childhood stages a series of encounters with biosocial power, which is a specific zone of intensity within the more encompassing arena of biopower and biopolitics. Assembled at the intersection of thought and practice, biosocial power attempts to bring envisioned futures into the present, taking hold of life in the form of childhood, thereby bridging being and becoming while also shaping the power relations that encapsulate the social and cultural world(s) of adults and children. Taking up a critical perspective which is attentive to the contingency of childhoods – the ways in which particular childhoods are constituted and configured – the method used in the book is a transversal genealogy that moves between past and present while also crossing a series of discourses and practices framed by children’s rights (the right to play), citizenship, health, disadvantage and entrepreneurship education. The overarching analysis converges on contemporary neoliberal enterprise culture, which is approached as a conjuncture that helps to explain, and also to trouble, the growing emphasis on the agency and rights of children. It is against the backdrop of this problematic that the book makes its case for refiguring childhood. Focusing on the how, where and when of biosocial power, Refiguring childhood will appeal to researchers and students interested in examining the relationship between power and childhood through the lens of social and political theory, sociology, cultural studies, history and geography.
. Some of them viewed the early 1990s as years of disappointment after the educational successes of the late 1980s. In particular, the relationship between the SportsCouncil and BAS(E)M again became acrimonious when the former took over the London Sports Medicine Institute and reformed it as the National Sports Medicine Institute (NSMI). 5 High hopes were dashed as the SportsCouncil ‘didn’t know what to do with it’, removing the BAS(E)M-friendly chairman, ‘sequestering’ the library and threatening the funding of the newly established Education Officer. 6 The
came to encompass darts, whist, pool, football, snooker, dominoes,
badminton, squash, cricket and swimming competitions.67 The NWDSA
became the North West Deaf SportsCouncil in the early 1980s, as part of the
changes that saw the national body become the British Deaf SportsCouncil.
These organisations were concerned solely with the organisation and control of
competition between deaf competitors. Neither organisation had any control
over deaf sportsmen and women competing against hearing opponents. Deaf
sport thus has important political implications, as Padden and
the history of public health, recent work in that area has informed some of the arguments in this book. In particular, the re-emergence of government interest (and the interest of tax-funded, non-governmental bodies, such as the SportsCouncil) in sport and exercise in the 1970s is crucial to Chapter 5 . What is significant about this interest is that it appears to be part of a new public health trend, described by Virginia Berridge and characterised by, firstly, concerns about diseases with a complicated association between risk and reward, which entailed the use
, as described above, the
Parliament has been a critic of restrictions on player mobility imposed by
sports-organising bodies. Second, the mandate of the Education and Culture
Directorate also closely aligns it to the people’s Europe project. Finally, the
member states working through the European Council, the Council
Presidency and informal SportsCouncils have emerged as the most significant addition to the socio-cultural coalition.
Other actors operating within the subsystem include: (1) sports bodies,
federations, confederations and associations; (2) government
Gola as a speaker, who stressed the diverse ways and channels in which the
International Military SportsCouncil (CISM) has activated sport as a tool for peace
building among the armed forces. The CISM, one of the largest multidisciplinary
organisations in the world with 134 member countries, has fulfilled a pivotal role in
the promotion of peace through sport and the military forces.18 Founded in 1948, it
carries out a series of activities, including the annual organisation of Military Sport
Games, international symposia addressing diverse aspects of sport, and
impact on absenteeism from work and the longer-term health consequences for
overall quality of life. See Rupert Kisser and Robert Bauer, The Burden of Sport Injuries in the
European Union (Vienna: Kuratorium für Verkehrssicherheit KFV), available at
19 Irish SportsCouncil, Irish Sports Monitor 2011 Annual Report (Dublin: Irish SportsCouncil).
20 Cuchulainn also appears in Manx and Scottish folklore.
21 See, for example, Irish Independent