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Israelis memorialising the Palestinian Nakba
Author: Ronit Lentin

The 1948 war that led to the creation of the State of Israel also resulted in the destruction of Palestinian society, when some 80 per cent of the Palestinians who lived in the major part of Palestine upon which Israel was established became refugees. Israelis call the 1948 war their ‘War of Independence’ and the Palestinians their ‘Nakba’, or catastrophe. After many years of Nakba denial, land appropriation, political discrimination against the Palestinians within Israel and the denial of rights to Palestinian refugees, in recent years the Nakba is beginning to penetrate Israeli public discourse. This book explores the construction of collective memory in Israeli society, where the memory of the trauma of the Holocaust and of Israel's war dead competes with the memory claims of the dispossessed Palestinians. Taking an auto-ethnographic approach, it makes a contribution to social memory studies through a critical evaluation of the co-memoration of the Palestinian Nakba by Israeli Jews. Against a background of the Israeli resistance movement, the book's central argument is that co-memorating the Nakba by Israeli Jews is motivated by an unresolved melancholia about the disappearance of Palestine and the dispossession of the Palestinians, a melancholia which shifts mourning from the lost object to the grieving subject. The book theorises Nakba co-memory as a politics of resistance, counterpoising co-memorative practices by internally displaced Israeli Palestinians with Israeli Jewish discourses of the Palestinian right of return, and questions whether return narratives by Israeli Jews are ultimately about Israeli Jewish self-healing.

From the Global to the Local
Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh

approach underpinned by the depoliticisation of the cause of Palestinians’ displacement and dispossession – the occupation of Palestinian territory by the state of Israel. In essence, the deal is a ‘truly Trumpian solution’: ‘cash for peace instead of land for peace… Peace will therefore be economic, rather than political… Their hopes may be dead but their bank accounts will be in the black’ ( Fisk, 2018 ). While UNRWA may be perceived as being at particular risk due to the financial precarity resulting from the funding cuts, it is (as I explore

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
The parliamentary arena
Ami Pedahzur

constitutional barriers has helped Germany forestall representation of extremist parties at the federal Parliament level over the course of years and, in turn, has also helped stabilise the democratic system. The socio-political underpinnings of the response to extremism in Israel Both prior to the establishment of the State of Israel and in the years following, the party institution constituted a pivotal factor in the political processes involved in the nation’s construction. However, the role of the Israeli political party went far

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
Ami Pedahzur

, attributes of both the first and second types may appear concomitantly in certain cases. ‘Civil society’ in Israel Research dealing in Israeli state–society relations and on the interrelations between these two as far back as the first days of its establishment consistently generates one conclusion: for a long period of time, the State of Israel has been distinguished by a ‘civil society’ reduced in scope and influence. The main explanation for civil society’s weakness in Israel is rooted, as put forward by Yishai, in the pre

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
From the ‘militant’ to an ‘immunised’ route?
Ami Pedahzur

Minister Yitzhak Rabin. This feeling was evoked by the thought that in the final decade of the twentieth century, the State of Israel had been subject to defeat on two fronts. State authorities had failed both in their fight against political extremism and in their efforts to keep the struggle against extremists within the boundaries of the ‘rule of law’ in a democratic country. Over the years, there have been many and varied threats to the country’s democracy. However, it would seem that there has been a significant decrease in the intensity of the

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
The social sphere
Ami Pedahzur

examine how the State of Israel has contended with these paradoxes and, by the same token, try to find an answer to the paramount questions. Has the state-run education system in Israel undergone a gradual transition towards an increased emphasis on democratic values in its school curricula, consequently leading to the reinforcement of the ‘immunisation’ of the ‘defending democracy?’ Alternatively, has the non-liberal element gained the upper hand, thus reducing the prospects for the complete abandonment of the ‘militant’ attitude in response to extremism

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
Abstract only
Uriya Shavit and Ofir Winter

as a worthy opponent in the conflict with the Zionist enterprise, whether it is decided diplomatically or on the field of battle. Islamist thought has, from its beginning, regarded certain aspects of Zionism and eventually of the State of Israel as examples that should be followed. This approach is related to Islamism’s complex treatment of the West, a civilization that it seeks to reject and adopt at the same time. Based on the modernist-apologetic tradition, Islamists view some aspects of the West, and of Israel as a representation of the West, as distorted

in Zionism in Arab discourses
David Miller

between possible solutions to the Israel/Palestine problem. We might begin by addressing questions of jurisdiction first, and conclude that, for economic and other reasons, it makes sense to have a single state in the region now covered by the state of Israel and the occupied territories. Having settled that issue, we would move on to consider the composition of the citizen body who should govern it, as well as other questions concerning the institutional form that

in Democratic inclusion
Abstract only
Ahmad H. Sa’di

elected local authority which continued to exist after the establishment of the State of Israel. Its local authority was established by the Mandatory Government on 1 December 1925. Yani Kustandi Yani served as mayor from 1933 to 1948 (Kafr Yassif, 1 July 1963). The Israeli Government reactivated the local authority on 5 June 1951, after a hiatus of three years. The first elections under Israeli rule were held on 26 January 1954 (The Local Council, Kafr Yassif, n.d.). Despite the dramatic changes in the political milieu, a coalition between the nationalist list – Kafr

in Thorough surveillance
From universalisation to relativism
David Bruce MacDonald

1948 ‘War of Independence’ was a bitter struggle, where, once more, the State of Israel almost ceased to exist. Universalising the Holocaust For many, the lessons of the Holocaust were so immense that they could not be applicable simply to the Jewish people. The death of six million in such a systematic and barbaric manner signalled that the fundamental axioms that underpinned Western society were fatally flawed. Philosophers and world leaders entered the twentieth century filled with hope that peace and prosperity would reign, owing to advances in technology

in Balkan holocausts?