The 1948 war that led to the creation of the State of Israel also resulted in the destruction of Palestinian society, when some 80 per cent of the Palestinians who lived in the major part of Palestine upon which Israel was established became refugees. Israelis call the 1948 war their ‘War of Independence’ and the Palestinians their ‘Nakba’, or catastrophe. After many years of Nakba denial, land appropriation, political discrimination against the Palestinians within Israel and the denial of rights to Palestinian refugees, in recent years the Nakba is beginning to penetrate Israeli public discourse. This book explores the construction of collective memory in Israeli society, where the memory of the trauma of the Holocaust and of Israel's war dead competes with the memory claims of the dispossessed Palestinians. Taking an auto-ethnographic approach, it makes a contribution to social memory studies through a critical evaluation of the co-memoration of the Palestinian Nakba by Israeli Jews. Against a background of the Israeli resistance movement, the book's central argument is that co-memorating the Nakba by Israeli Jews is motivated by an unresolved melancholia about the disappearance of Palestine and the dispossession of the Palestinians, a melancholia which shifts mourning from the lost object to the grieving subject. The book theorises Nakba co-memory as a politics of resistance, counterpoising co-memorative practices by internally displaced Israeli Palestinians with Israeli Jewish discourses of the Palestinian right of return, and questions whether return narratives by Israeli Jews are ultimately about Israeli Jewish self-healing.
underpinned by the depoliticisation of the cause of Palestinians’ displacement and
dispossession – the occupation of Palestinian territory by the stateofIsrael. In
essence, the deal is a ‘truly Trumpian solution’: ‘cash for peace instead
of land for peace… Peace will therefore be economic, rather than political… Their
hopes may be dead but their bank accounts will be in the black’ ( Fisk, 2018 ). While UNRWA may be perceived as being at particular risk due to the financial precarity
resulting from the funding cuts, it is (as I explore
constitutional barriers has helped Germany forestall representation of extremist parties at the federal Parliament level over the course of years and, in turn, has also helped stabilise the democratic system.
The socio-political underpinnings of the response to extremism in Israel
Both prior to the establishment of the StateofIsrael and in the years following, the party institution constituted a pivotal factor in the political processes involved in the nation’s construction. However, the role of the Israeli political party went far
, attributes of both the first and second types may appear concomitantly in certain cases.
‘Civil society’ in Israel
Research dealing in Israeli state–society relations and on the interrelations between these two as far back as the first days of its establishment consistently generates one conclusion: for a long period of time, the StateofIsrael has been distinguished by a ‘civil society’ reduced in scope and influence. The main explanation for civil society’s weakness in Israel is rooted, as put forward by Yishai, in the pre
Minister Yitzhak Rabin. This feeling was evoked by the thought that in the final decade of the twentieth century, the StateofIsrael had been subject to defeat on two fronts. State authorities had failed both in their fight against political extremism and in their efforts to keep the struggle against extremists within the boundaries of the ‘rule of law’ in a democratic country.
Over the years, there have been many and varied threats to the country’s democracy. However, it would seem that there has been a significant decrease in the intensity of the
examine how the StateofIsrael has contended with these paradoxes and, by the same token, try to find an answer to the paramount questions. Has the state-run education system in Israel undergone a gradual transition towards an increased emphasis on democratic values in its school curricula, consequently leading to the reinforcement of the ‘immunisation’ of the ‘defending democracy?’ Alternatively, has the non-liberal element gained the upper hand, thus reducing the prospects for the complete abandonment of the ‘militant’ attitude in response to extremism
as a worthy opponent in the conflict with
the Zionist enterprise, whether it is decided diplomatically or on the field
Islamist thought has, from its beginning, regarded certain aspects of
Zionism and eventually of the StateofIsrael as examples that should
be followed. This approach is related to Islamism’s complex treatment
of the West, a civilization that it seeks to reject and adopt at the same
time. Based on the modernist-apologetic tradition, Islamists view some
aspects of the West, and of Israel as a representation of the West, as
between possible solutions to the Israel/Palestine problem. We might begin by
addressing questions of jurisdiction first, and conclude that, for economic and
other reasons, it makes sense to have a single state in the region now covered
by the stateofIsrael and the occupied territories. Having settled that issue,
we would move on to consider the composition of the citizen body who should
govern it, as well as other questions concerning the institutional form that
elected local authority which continued to exist
after the establishment of the StateofIsrael. Its local authority was established
by the Mandatory Government on 1 December 1925. Yani Kustandi Yani
served as mayor from 1933 to 1948 (Kafr Yassif, 1 July 1963). The Israeli
Government reactivated the local authority on 5 June 1951, after a hiatus of
three years. The first elections under Israeli rule were held on 26 January 1954
(The Local Council, Kafr Yassif, n.d.).
Despite the dramatic changes in the political milieu, a coalition between the
nationalist list – Kafr
1948 ‘War of
Independence’ was a bitter struggle, where, once more, the StateofIsrael
almost ceased to exist.
Universalising the Holocaust
For many, the lessons of the Holocaust were so immense that they could not
be applicable simply to the Jewish people. The death of six million in such a
systematic and barbaric manner signalled that the fundamental axioms that
underpinned Western society were fatally flawed. Philosophers and world
leaders entered the twentieth century filled with hope that peace and prosperity would reign, owing to advances in technology