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Sos Eltis

6 Women’s suffrage and theatricality Sos Eltis P erformance was at the heart of the women’s suffrage campaign. It was, as Lisa Tickner declares in the title of her study of the imagery of the campaign, a ‘spectacle of women’.1 By 1907 the Home Secretary, Herbert Gladstone, had acknowledged that the suffragists had won the ‘political argument’, but had yet to win ‘the political day’, for that they must learn the lesson from men who ‘know the necessity for demonstrating the greatness of their movements, and for establishing that force majeure which actuates and

in Politics, performance and popular culture
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Viv Gardner and Diane Atkinson

MILITANT SUFFRAGE Chapter XXXV “There comes a time in the life of a people suffering from an intolerable injustice when the only way to maintain one’s self respect is to revolt against that injustice.” (Lloyd George) “Where were you last Saturday, why weren’t you in the procession?” asked some of my friends and fellow members of the Actor’s Association1 on my arrival at the Clubroom one Monday morning. “What procession?” I queried, “didn’t know the A.A. was having one, besides, I was away, working.” “Not the A.A.” they said. “The Suffragettes, we had a grand

in Kitty Marion
Lea M. Williams

she spent working as a tuberculosis nurse in Baltimore, where she developed a reputation as an expert in the field and earned a name for herself regionally, nationally, and even internationally as an anti-tuberculosis crusader, resulted in her giving frequent talks and publishing often. This rising involvement in debates about public health issues was accompanied by increased participation in the suffrage cause. She supported those efforts by drawing on the skills she had acquired through her nursing career to speak and

in Ellen N. La Motte
Liberal women and regional perspectives
Megan Smitley

5 New views of the women’ suffrage campaign: Liberal women and regional perspectives This chapter seeks to reveal hitherto hidden facets of the British women’s movement by focusing on Glasgow suffragists’ view of a London-led campaign and the contribution of the SWLF to constitutional suffragism. An analysis of the minute books of the GWSAWS reveals the influence of early twentieth-century trends towards Scottish Home Rule on the relationship of suffragists in Glasgow and London and on the character of the women’s movement in Scotland. The GWSAWS was established

in The feminine public sphere
Heloise Brown

the physical force objection 1 The physical force objection to women’s suffrage T he suffrage movement was a central strand in Victorian feminism, and one of its primary aims was confronting antisuffragists’ opposition to the enfranchisement of women. A principal argument for opponents of women’s suffrage was the physical force objection: the principle that women were unable to take up arms to defend their country, and therefore could not qualify for the franchise. In engaging with this question, many feminists began to approach the question of why and under

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
Visual Advocacy in the Early Decades of Humanitarian Cinema
Valérie Gorin

ended with local charities and national committees (e.g. the International Socialist Congress, the miners, the International Suffrage Alliance, the International Women’s Committee) contacting film departments of aid agencies to offer theatrical and non-theatrical venues, including meeting halls, clubs, schools, or churches. Moviegoers ranged from working- to middle-class, with a prevalence of female adults. Cinema also became a mobile technology after World War I, traveling from city centers to remote and rural locations. Mixing different filmic genres such as ‘social

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Middle-class women in civic life in Scotland, c.1870–1914
Author: Megan Smitley

Middle-class women made use the informal power structures of Victorian and Edwardian associationalism in order to participate actively as citizens. This investigation of women's role in civic life provides a fresh approach to the ‘public sphere’, illuminates women as agents of a middle-class identity and develops the notion of a ‘feminine public sphere’, or the web of associations, institutions and discourses used by disenfranchised middle-class women to express their citizenship. The extent of middle-class women's contribution to civic life is examined through their involvement in reforming and philanthropic associations as well as local government. Feminist historians have developed increasingly nuanced understandings of the relationship between ‘separate spheres’ and women's public lives, yet many analyses of middle-class civic identity in nineteenth-century Britain have conformed to over-rigid interpretations of separate spheres to largely exclude an exploration of the role of women. By examining under-used Scottish material, new light is shed on these issues by highlighting the active contribution of women to in this process. Employing a case study of women's temperance, Liberal and suffrage organisations, this analysis considers the relationship between separate spheres ideology and women's public lives; the contribution to suffrage of organisations not normally associated with the Victorian and Edwardian women's movement; and the importance of regional and international perspectives for British history.

Suffrage, citizenship and the battle for the census
Author: Jill Liddington

On census night, 2 April 1911, Asquith's Liberal government, which still denied women the vote, ordered every household to comply with its census requirements. So suffragette organizations urged women, all still unenfranchised, to boycott this census. Many did. Some inscribed their census schedules with the words ‘No Vote, No Census’. Others evaded the enumerator by sheltering in darkened houses ~ or, in the case of Emily Wilding Davison, by hiding inside a cupboard within the Houses of Parliament. Yet many decided against boycotting. Even some suffragettes, who might have been expected to rebel, decided to comply with the census ~ and handed over a perfectly accurate schedule. Why? The book investigates the ‘battle for the census’ arguments that raged across Edwardian England in spring 1911. It explores why many committed campaigners decided this act of civil disobedience would be highly effective propaganda; and why many others decided to prioritize providing the government with accurate census data for its health and welfare reforms, rather than ‘Votes for Women’. This book is based upon a wealth of brand new documentary sources, which can be read in the participants’ own hand. Interrogating this dramatic new evidence, the book sheds crucial new light on the turbulent world of Edwardian politics. It includes a substantial Gazetteer of 500 campaigners’ census schedules, compiled jointly with Elizabeth Crawford.

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Australasian women and the international struggle for the vote, 1880–1914
Author: James Keating

Distant Sisters offers a new history of the connections that women in Australia and New Zealand made with one another, and suffragists across the world, in their pioneer pursuit of the vote and subsequent struggle to sell its merits overseas. Although the Australasian suffrage campaigns occurred side by side and shared a commitment to international outreach, this book is the first to take these parallels seriously. Beyond recovering a forgotten regional history, it uses antipodean stories to explore the rise of suffrage internationalism in the late nineteenth century and, importantly, to understand its political, geographical, and racial limits. Covering the period 1880–1914, it charts the development of an international consciousness among elite and ordinary suffragists alike. Following the conduits that allowed them to think and act across borders, it shows how Australasian suffragists positioned themselves within the emerging international women’s movement and shaped organisations like the International Woman Suffrage Alliance and World’s Woman’s Christian Temperance Union. Simultaneously, Distant Sisters unveils the intimate dimensions of internationalism, showing how sentiments ignited by the exchange of letters and newspapers, and preserved in scrapbooks, led the Australasian suffragists to grace British concert halls and receive invitations to the US Oval Office. While often frustrated, their attempts to forge meaningful intercolonial and international connections complicate insular national histories of suffrage and the orthodox Euro-American narrative of fin-de-siècle feminist internationalism. Written in an approachable, case-study driven style, this book will appeal to undergraduates and academic specialists in the fields of feminist history, British imperial history, and Australian and New Zealand studies alike.

Gender and the Conservative Party, 1880s to the present

Historians and political scientists have deemed the twentieth century 'the Conservative Century', owing to the electoral and cultural dominance of the Conservative Party in Britain. This book traces the relationship among women, gender and the Conservative Party from the 1880s to the present, and thereby seeks to fill that gap. A gender inclusive approach allows for a more nuanced understanding of political machinations, power and the unprecedented popularity of both conservatism and unionism in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The suffragette Christabel Pankhurst, was regarded as a charismatic, radical figure, who was the co-leader of the Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU), a notorious suffrage organization campaigning for the parliamentary vote for women in Edwardian Britain. In 1928 Lady Iveagh, Vice-Chairman of the National Union of Conservative Associations (NUCA), claimed that one million women were members of the Conservative Party. The book focuses on how the Primrose League re-made itself for its female members between 1914 and 1932. It shows that the Conservative Party leadership and male candidates were keen to present themselves as the champions of home interests, playing up their family-man credentials against their rowdy electoral culture of Labour. The book also examines inquires how the deliberate choice of middlebrow rhetoric as well as the language of citizenship enabled Conservative women to construct a cross-class language of democracy. It explores British conservatism, highlighting the history of the Tory Party as part of the study of women and their sectional interest in 'the politics of gender'.