Turkey’s Europeanisation saga, which began in 1959 and climaxed in 2005 with the opening of membership negotiations with the European Union (EU), presents a unique opportunity to understand how interstate actors negotiate their interests; what ‘common interests’ look like from their historically and culturally contingent perspectives; and what happens when actors work for their private, professional, public, personal or institutional interests, even when those interests may go against their mandate. Honing in on the role of diplomats and lobbyists during negotiations for Turkey’s contentious EU membership bid, this book presents intricate, backstage conflicts of power and interests and negotiations of compromises, which drove this candidate country both closer to and farther from the EU. The reader will find in the book the everyday actors and agents of Turkish Europeanisation and learn what their work entails, which interests they represent and how they do what they do. Based on long-term ethnographic fieldwork in Brussels, the book argues that public, private and corporate actors, voicing economic, political and bureaucratic interests from all corners of Europe, sought access to markets and polities through the Turkish bid instead of pursuing their mandate of facilitating Turkey’s EU accession. Although limited progress was achieved in Turkey’s actual EU integration, diplomats and lobbyists from both sides of the negotiating table contradictorily affirmed their expertise as effective negotiators, seeking more status and power. This is the first book-length account of the EU–Turkey power-interest negotiations in situ, from the perspective of its long-term actors and agents.
also pertain, must hit a moving target. In considering what this might be in
the Irish case, Chapter 2 addresses the following question: why did a country
adept at squeezing out surplus family members since the Famine, one that
defined itself as monocultural, one that found it difficult to accommodate its
small Jewish, Protestant and Traveller minorities, somehow embrace largescale immigration?
The focus of this book is predominantly on the role of social policy rather
than symbolicpolitics in promoting or impeding integration. A core argument
The 2008 Italy–Libya Friendship Treaty and thereassembling of Fortress Europe
Chiara De Cesari
suggested that some apologies represent cynical attempts to ‘close
the memory of an event’ (Howard-Hassmann 2008: 5) and that their symbolicpolitics works in some cases as a ‘diversion’ to facilitate realpolitik (Nobles 2008: 151).
Nevertheless, little attention has been paid to such ‘cynical’ apologies, which tend to
be viewed as unfortunate exceptions. I contend, however, that looking at these can
yield interesting insights into fundamental flaws in the politics of regret.
The Italy–Libya Treaty cannot be easily dismissed as ‘just’ a case of cynical
apology since it
German philosopher Jürgen Habermas has written extensively on the European Union.
This is the only in-depth account of his project. Published now in a second
edition to coincide with the celebration of his ninetieth birthday, a new
preface considers Habermas’s writings on the eurozone and refugee crises,
populism and Brexit, and the presidency of Emmanuel Macron. Placing an
emphasis on the conception of the EU that informs Habermas’s political
prescriptions, the book is divided into two main parts. The first considers the
unfolding of 'social modernity' at the level of the EU. Among the
subjects covered are Habermas's concept of juridification, the
latter's affinities with integration theories such as neofunctionalism, and
the application of Habermas's democratic theory to the EU. The second part
addresses 'cultural modernity' in Europe – 'Europessimism'
is argued to be a subset of the broader cultural pessimism that assailed the
project of modernity in the late twentieth century, and with renewed intensity
in the years since 9/11. Interdisciplinary in approach, this book engages
with European/EU studies, critical theory, political theory, international
relations, intellectual history, comparative literature, and philosophy. Concise
and clearly written, it will be of interest to students, scholars and
professionals with an interest in these disciplines, as well as to a broader
readership concerned with the future of Europe
and amendments to existing legislation and secondary legislation, and has engaged in institution-building and other relevant work to
align with the EU acquis, and has pledged to do more. These legislative reforms
took place, however, within a discursive framework (per Lukes’ three-dimensional
power) that largely shifted from a direct interest in membership to symbolicpolitics – merely the appearance of an interest in membership.
While EU and Turkish politicians and bureaucrats debated how to govern
Turkey within a symbolicpolitical discursive framework, they made
Identity is often regarded as something that is possessed by individuals, states, and other agents. In this edited collection, identity is explored across a range of approaches and under-explored case studies with a view to making visible its fractured, contingent, and dynamic features. The book brings together themes of belonging and exclusion, identity formation and fragmentation. It also examines how identity functions in discourse, and the effects it produces, both materially and in ideational terms. Taking in case studies from Asia-Pacific, Europe, the Middle East and Latin America, the various chapters interrogate identity through formal governing mechanisms, popular culture and place. These studies demonstrate the complex and fluid nature of identity and identity practices, as well as implications for theorising identity.
This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.
. Furthermore, there
are many different sorts of foreign intervention: helping one side win the
fight, for example, may lead to a quick ceasefire but also cause a long-lasting
political stalemate. Sometimes military intervention seems necessary to
establish a secure environment; in other cases, mediation and other peaceful
interventions suffice. In some cases, the key is to deter destructive external
intervention. What mix of approaches is right, and how can the sides get
past the hurdle of lasting hostility?
Thinking about ethnic conflicts in terms of a symbolicpolitics
power brokers stems from their ability to be unaccountable’. During
research for this book, I found the power of diplomats and lobbyists as interest
brokers to be, post-Foucault, much more relative and relational than they portray.
Originating from public as much as a scholarly concern, this book ultimately calls
for accountability for Turkish Europeanisation, a heretofore overlooked dimension of Turkey–EU relations.
The power–interest nexus and symbolicpolitics
Diplomacy and lobbying are forms of political communication whose examination provides a lens onto
EU membership. To demonstrate
interest, Benoit instructed candidate diplomats to engage in symbolicpolitics.
Some (but not all) Turkish lobbyists have understood this symbolic aspect of
Europolitics. Sibel, a younger-generation professional political lobbyist whom
Deniz handpicked a decade previously to represent Turkey’s Cumhuriyet Halk
Partisi in Brussels, summed up what these EU actors convey here: ‘Brussels has
a rule: if you don’t exist [through the corridors of power in Brussels], you don’t
exist!’ This was a classic case for symbolicpolitics.