Turkey’s Europeanisation saga, which began in 1959 and climaxed in 2005 with the opening of membership negotiations with the European Union (EU), presents a unique opportunity to understand how interstate actors negotiate their interests; what ‘common interests’ look like from their historically and culturally contingent perspectives; and what happens when actors work for their private, professional, public, personal or institutional interests, even when those interests may go against their mandate. Honing in on the role of diplomats and lobbyists during negotiations for Turkey’s contentious EU membership bid, this book presents intricate, backstage conflicts of power and interests and negotiations of compromises, which drove this candidate country both closer to and farther from the EU. The reader will find in the book the everyday actors and agents of Turkish Europeanisation and learn what their work entails, which interests they represent and how they do what they do. Based on long-term ethnographic fieldwork in Brussels, the book argues that public, private and corporate actors, voicing economic, political and bureaucratic interests from all corners of Europe, sought access to markets and polities through the Turkish bid instead of pursuing their mandate of facilitating Turkey’s EU accession. Although limited progress was achieved in Turkey’s actual EU integration, diplomats and lobbyists from both sides of the negotiating table contradictorily affirmed their expertise as effective negotiators, seeking more status and power. This is the first book-length account of the EU–Turkey power-interest negotiations in situ, from the perspective of its long-term actors and agents.
also pertain, must hit a moving target. In considering what this might be in
the Irish case, Chapter 2 addresses the following question: why did a country
adept at squeezing out surplus family members since the Famine, one that
defined itself as monocultural, one that found it difficult to accommodate its
small Jewish, Protestant and Traveller minorities, somehow embrace largescale immigration?
The focus of this book is predominantly on the role of social policy rather
than symbolicpolitics in promoting or impeding integration. A core argument
The 2008 Italy–Libya Friendship Treaty and thereassembling of Fortress Europe
Chiara De Cesari
suggested that some apologies represent cynical attempts to ‘close
the memory of an event’ (Howard-Hassmann 2008: 5) and that their symbolicpolitics works in some cases as a ‘diversion’ to facilitate realpolitik (Nobles 2008: 151).
Nevertheless, little attention has been paid to such ‘cynical’ apologies, which tend to
be viewed as unfortunate exceptions. I contend, however, that looking at these can
yield interesting insights into fundamental flaws in the politics of regret.
The Italy–Libya Treaty cannot be easily dismissed as ‘just’ a case of cynical
apology since it
Artistic performances and commencement speeches from presidential couples
that Democratic presidents and consorts tend to be vocal
on issues related to diversity and civil rights.
Moreover, the findings on staging are important. Unlike their predecessors,
the Obamas clearly made an effort to accept commencement invitations from
HBCUs. This clearly evinces an attempt at symbolicpolitics.
It is important to consider the implications of these findings. In subtle ways,
the Obamas presented a more diverse tableau and raised issues on the national
Race and the Obama Administration
agenda that merited additional discussion. Given
Descriptive representation and rhetoric in the Obama Administration
The right person saying
the right thing: Descriptive
representation and rhetoric in
the Obama Administration
Symbolicpolitics—the gestures, appearances, and performances politicians
make to establish goodwill among their constituents—
are clearly less
important than the substantive laws and policies which govern actual
behavior and have the potential to improve the status of African Americans.
However, their significance should not be underestimated. One of the reasons
for not underestimating the importance of symbolicpolitics is that, sometimes, the
Public opinion and black attitudes toward the Obama presidency
Here, Barack Obama’s ‘unwavering support’ amongst the African American demographic is studied by taking a look at a satirical sketch from SNL as well as real data from Gallup’s analytics. The chapter discusses the dichotomy between this support and the worsening conditions generally for black Americans during the Obama Administration and comments upon why this may be. The chapter then assesses the reaction of African American public opinion on the record of the Obama Presidency by turning to black citizens themselves to answer the question of whether ‘symbolic politics’ is enough. Using public opinion data, black Americans are asked how satisfied they are with President Obama’s performance on racial issues and determine the relationship between satisfaction with the president’s racial performance and general job approval ratings and enthusiastic electoral support for President Obama in 2012 by using qualitative and quantitative data sources.
and amendments to existing legislation and secondary legislation, and has engaged in institution-building and other relevant work to
align with the EU acquis, and has pledged to do more. These legislative reforms
took place, however, within a discursive framework (per Lukes’ three-dimensional
power) that largely shifted from a direct interest in membership to symbolicpolitics – merely the appearance of an interest in membership.
While EU and Turkish politicians and bureaucrats debated how to govern
Turkey within a symbolicpolitical discursive framework, they made
The election of Barack Obama was a milestone in US history with tremendous symbolic importance for the black community. But was this symbolism backed up by substance? Did ordinary black people really benefit under the first black president? This is the question that Andra Gillespie sets out to answer in Race and the Obama Administration. Using a variety of methodological techniques—from content analysis of executive orders to comparisons of key indicators, such as homeownership and employment rates under Clinton, Bush, and Obama— the book charts the progress of black causes and provides valuable perspective on the limitations of presidential power in addressing issues of racial inequality. Gillespie uses public opinion data to investigate the purported disconnect between Obama’s performance and his consistently high ratings among black voters, asking how far the symbolic power of the first black family in the White House was able to compensate for the compromises of political office. Scholarly but accessible, Race and the Obama Administration will be of interest to students and lecturers in US politics and race studies, as well as to general readers who want to better understand the situation of the black community in the US today and the prospects for its improvement.
German philosopher Jürgen Habermas has written extensively on the European Union.
This is the only in-depth account of his project. Published now in a second
edition to coincide with the celebration of his ninetieth birthday, a new
preface considers Habermas’s writings on the eurozone and refugee crises,
populism and Brexit, and the presidency of Emmanuel Macron. Placing an
emphasis on the conception of the EU that informs Habermas’s political
prescriptions, the book is divided into two main parts. The first considers the
unfolding of 'social modernity' at the level of the EU. Among the
subjects covered are Habermas's concept of juridification, the
latter's affinities with integration theories such as neofunctionalism, and
the application of Habermas's democratic theory to the EU. The second part
addresses 'cultural modernity' in Europe – 'Europessimism'
is argued to be a subset of the broader cultural pessimism that assailed the
project of modernity in the late twentieth century, and with renewed intensity
in the years since 9/11. Interdisciplinary in approach, this book engages
with European/EU studies, critical theory, political theory, international
relations, intellectual history, comparative literature, and philosophy. Concise
and clearly written, it will be of interest to students, scholars and
professionals with an interest in these disciplines, as well as to a broader
readership concerned with the future of Europe
Given the significant similarities and differences between the welfare states of Northern Europe and their reactions to the perceived 'refugee crisis' of 2015, the book focuses primarily on the three main cases of Denmark, Sweden and Germany. Placed in a wider Northern European context – and illustrated by those chapters that also discuss refugee experiences in Norway and the UK – the Danish, Swedish and German cases are the largest case studies of this edited volume. Thus, the book contributes to debates on the governance of non-citizens and the meaning of displacement, mobility and seeking asylum by providing interdisciplinary analyses of a largely overlooked region of the world, with two specific aims. First, we scrutinize the construction of the 2015 crisis as a response to the large influx of refugees, paying particular attention to the disciplinary discourses and bureaucratic structures that are associated with it. Second, we investigate refugees’ encounters with these bureaucratic structures and consider how these encounters shape hopes for building a new life after displacement. This allows us to show that the mobility of specific segments of the world’s population continues to be seen as a threat and a risk that has to be governed and controlled. Focusing on the Northern European context, our volume interrogates emerging policies and discourses as well as the lived experiences of bureaucratization from the perspective of individuals who find themselves the very objects of bureaucracies.