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Sam King

-monopoly position, not only remains but is also intensified by their subjugation to monopoly capital, which systematically seeks not only to raise the prices of commodities it owns but also reduce those of the commodities it buys. For this reason, technical progress among non-monopoly Third World capital today results in intense downward pressure on their sale prices. This is what underlies

in Imperialism and the development myth
Solidarity through metonymy in a refugee magazine from the GDR
Mary Ikoniadou

illustrated magazine as a case study of the aesthetic and political articulations of solidarity with the so-called Third World in the 1960s. 6 It draws on the specific cultural histories, an analysis of the magazine’s corpus, alongside that of comparable periodicals, as well as unpublished archival material and interviews. 7 The visual analysis pays particular attention to the relationship of images and

in Transnational solidarity
The Cold War after Stalin
Torbjørn L. Knutsen

non-Western countries called for an African–Asian Conference in the Indonesian city of Bandung in 1956, Khrushchev recalled Lenin’s Congress of the People of the East in Baku in 1920 and sent Soviet observers. On the Third World and radical International Relations theory Khrushchev was happy to contribute to the Bandung discussions on the nature of Western imperialism. He was elated to note that the conference condemned the colonial practices of the West. He was, however, deeply disturbed when conference delegates began to discuss whether Soviet

in A history of International Relations theory (third edition)
Silvia Salvatici

increasing the number of programmes carried out in the field and of initiatives created to raise awareness in the Western public. The growth of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) – both in quantitative terms and from the point of view of their dimensions – that took place in this period opened up the road to the ‘explosion’ of NGOs seen during the 1980s. 4 The campaigns to fight hunger, disease and the ‘backwardness’ of the Third World were conducted in close connection with the media, which were now part of a complex system within which television had taken on

in A history of humanitarianism, 1755–1989
Ismay Milford

not he was at Bandung) can tell us about the global force that I refer to here as the Third World political project – that is, the coordinated, anti-imperial and non-aligned, internationalist endeavour with which Bandung is routinely associated. 5 The analytical tool ‘exceptional normal’ is key to this intervention. Fellow activist Simon Zukas described Sipalo as ‘just an African radical’. 6 His comment evokes a broader history of African nationalism in the context of Third Worldism and global

in Global biographies
Law and conflicts over water in the Krishna River Basin
Radha D’Souza

1950 the first stage of a loan for the large river-valley project, the Damodar Valley Corporation, was funded. This corporation was modelled on the Tennessee Valley Authority. 31 The dates are significant. Though the World Bank remained focused primarily on European reconstruction until the 1960s when the focus shifted to Third World ‘development’, because of India’s historically

in Law, history, colonialism
How rich countries dominate in the twenty-first century
Author:

"Over a hundred years since the beginning of modern imperialism, the former colonial world is still prevented from joining the club of imperialist powers. The gap between rich and poor countries is not narrowing but growing. China is usually presented as challenging the dominance of the United States and other rich countries. However, imperialist domination over the most sophisticated aspects of the labour process gives the rich countries and their corporations control over the global labour process as a whole – including in China. Third World producers are forced to specialise in the opposite types of work – in relatively simple and low-end labour, for which major price markups and large profits are rarely possible. This is the kernel of unequal exchange in world trade. The imperialist system develops two types of capital – monopoly and non-monopoly capital – and two types of societies – rich, monopoly, imperialist societies and poor, non-monopoly, ‘Third World’ societies. China’s ascendance to become the most powerful Third World country in no way threatens to topple continuing imperialist dominance. Most contemporary Marxist writing has not been focused on global income polarisation and imperialist exploitation of the poor countries. For this reason, it has been unable to explain how exactly the same countries continuously reproduce their dominance. However, the actual conditions of the neoliberal world economy have made explicit how this happens through the labour process itself. In doing so it has also shown how Marx’s labour theory of value can be concretely applied to the conditions of monopoly capital today.

1980–2000
Dominique Marshall

additional public support. Third world advocates, in Canada as elsewhere, had been convinced since the mid twentieth century that remedies to global inequalities started with the support of citizens at home ( Ermisch, 2015 ). Many NGOs and international government agencies of the late mid-twentieth century had embarked on campaigns of information aimed at sustaining public opinion in favor of long term work, between upsurges of popular support of relief during situations of war and natural emergency. Such work with the public, education included, enhanced the humanitarian

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
An Excerpt from Bill V. Mullen’s New Biography, James Baldwin: Living in Fire, and an Interview with the Author
Bill V. Mullen

This excerpt from James Baldwin: Living in Fire details a key juncture in Baldwin’s life, 1957–59, when he was transformed by a visit to the South to write about the civil rights movement while grappling with the meaning of the Algerian Revolution. The excerpt shows Baldwin understanding black and Arab liberation struggles as simultaneous and parallel moments in the rise of Third World, anti-colonial and anti-racist U.S. politics. It also shows Baldwin’s emotional and psychological vulnerability to repressive state violence experienced by black and Arab citizens in the U.S., France, and Algiers.

James Baldwin Review
Author:

This book provides an accessible account of current thinking about political corruption, recognising that the phenomenon is a serious problem: since it infringes rules defining legitimate and illegitimate means of the acquisition of wealth and the exercise of power, corruption damages the interests of the advantaged and disadvantaged alike. The advantaged find that wealth cannot be pursued and maintained safely, the disadvantaged that development is thwarted and resources redistributed from the poor to the rich. Against this background, the book takes the reader on a journey – a journey that begins with what corruption is, why its study might be important and how it can be measured. From there it moves on to explore corruption’s causes, its consequences and how it can be tackled – before finally discovering how these things are playing out in the established liberal democracies, in the former communist regimes and in what used to be commonly referred to as ‘the third world’. On the way it takes a couple of detours – first, to ascertain how the minimum of trust necessary for the corrupt transaction to take place at all is established and underwritten, and second to survey the phenomenon of scandal – to which corruption may give rise. The book is therefore offered as an informative ‘travel guide’ of potential interest to journalists and policy makers as well as to students and academics researching matters on which political corruption has a bearing.