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This book seeks to contribute to Italian social history and to deepen understanding of Catholic charity and social policy in past times. It focuses on two groups of disreputable (or at least tarnished) women and children and on the arrangements made to discipline and care for them, both by public authorities and by voluntary organisations and would-be benefactors. The first group consisted of prostitutes, concubines, single mothers, estranged wives, and girls in moral danger. The second was composed of children, many born outside wedlock, who were abandoned by their blood parents, out of shame or poverty or both. A synoptic survey, the book examines the complications involved in the tolerance and regulation of activities considered bad but impossible to suppress. Could licensed prostitution be used as a lesser evil to counter supposedly greater abuses, such as sodomy, adultery or concubinage, and to protect ‘decent’ women? Could child abandonment be tamed and used against the greater evils of infanticide or abortion, to preserve the honour of women who had borne illegitimate children and to save fragile lives? And what should be done to protect and rescue the victims of sexual exploitation and children separated from their natural mothers?
, usually as options in a wide repertoire of partly competing values and principles. The traditional commitment to such first-order moral values is characteristically replaced by the dominant effort to promote second-order values, most conspicuously autonomy, critical thinking, respect and tolerance. Moral training is accordingly seen primarily in terms of the capacity to make meaningful choices in one’s life (self-critical exercise of autonomy), on the one hand, and the ability to live side by side with people who have different, often incompatible, values and life
10 Prejudice and (in)tolerance in Ulster Neil Jarman Northern Ireland is a contradictory society in which prejudice and tolerance exist as uneasy neighbours, where some highlight the warmth of the welcomes they have received, but where expressions of intolerance increasingly dominate public and media perceptions of the norms of inter-communal interaction. This chapter will begin to explore and unpack the intersections and dynamics of tolerance and prejudice in a contemporary Northern Ireland that is at once distinctive, in so far as it is a region coming out of
This book examines the treatment of cultural and religious diversity - indigenous and immigrant - on both sides of the Irish border in order to analyse the current state of tolerance, and the kinds of policies that may support integration while respecting diversity. While it is sometimes argued that in contemporary societies we need to go ‘beyond tolerance’ to more positive recognition, new and continuing tensions and conflicts among groups suggest that there may still be a role for tolerance. The first set of chapters focus on the spheres of education, civic life and politics, including chapters on specific groups (e.g. travellers, immigrants), as well as the communal divisions in Northern Ireland. Later chapters reflect on the Irish experience of diversity, and assess the extent to which the conceptual approaches and discourses employed to deal with it are comparable between the jurisdictions of the Republic and Northern Ireland. Finally the book considers the implications for what constitutes the most appropriate approach to diversity - whether this should ideally be in terms of tolerance and mutual accommodation, of recognition, or transformative reconciliation. This is the first book to address the issue of tolerance across the broad sweep of different kinds of religious and cultural diversity in Northern Ireland and the Republic.
3 Tolerance, recognition and educational patronage: Ireland’s constitutional politics of school choice Eoin Daly This chapter examines the place and role of toleration and recognition in the Irish education system through a critical review of state support for religious schools, specifically of the historical legacy of the patronage system. In Irish political discourse there has been a general acceptance that religious freedom is best served by devolving public education to private ‘patron’ bodies. While in the past the ‘patronage’ model may have been understood
5 Tolerance of religious and cultural diversity in Irish institutions: comparing hijabs in schools and turbans in the Garda reserve1 Nathalie Rougier and Iseult Honohan Religious dress has not been a major issue in Ireland, compared with the major upheavals and conflicts that have emerged around it in other Western European countries. Two controversies, although limited in scope and intensity, can, however, cast some light on the extent to which religious diversity is accepted in Ireland. This chapter compares issues that arose concerning religious dress in two
for staff members to be considered potential targets. Further, governments show a certain degree of tolerance towards violations of their own laws that criminalise ransom payments. Following the uproar sparked by its intransigence over the abduction of journalist James Foley, who was executed by the IS in Syria on 18 August 2014, the US government revised its policy. It said families trying everything possible to save a loved one from a terrorist
distinction and differences described above. I argue that differences in threats and vulnerabilities are insufficient to explain the distinct approaches taken to staff security and civilian protection. Legal obligations and political opportunities can account for some of the differences but do not tell the whole story. Other differences are best explained as a consequence of differential tolerance of casualties. Distinct Threats and Vulnerabilities
powerful men, and how these experiences have historically been covered up or denied. This has led to individual men making apologies for past behaviour, and organisations committing themselves publicly to a lack of tolerance for this behaviour in the future, and countless more women speaking up only to have their experiences and their histories dragged open and pored over to achieve little tangible change. This article explores #MeToo in the context of the aid industry
). While Fida is not an American group, the secondary sanctions had extended to impact banks outside the United States. One interviewee explained that the risk tolerance threshold banks have drawn for themselves is much higher than the actual legal threshold. Suppliers have also been wary of working with organisations engaged in the DPRK, as discussed publicly ( Fisler, 2018 ; Linton in Cato, 2019 ) and in the interviews. An interviewee noted rising costs, as suppliers may raise their fees due to the extra work even exempted activity will bring them. Sanctioning