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Andrew Williams

50 Failed imagination? 2 The Paris Peace Conference and the Treaty of Versailles, 1919 Introduction An extensive literature exists on the ‘lessons of Versailles’ and particularly on the ‘failure’ of the League of Nations (LON), one that started even before the signature of the Treaty of Versailles. The first focus of this chapter is an exploration of the process of disillusionment as it comes out in the documentary record. The key areas that have been identified by contemporaries and historians alike are the mismatch between the security- and ‘order

in Failed imagination?
John Callaghan

13 The problem of war aims and the Treaty of Versailles John Callaghan Why did Britain go to war in 1914? The answer that generated popular approval concerned the defence of Belgian neutrality, defiled by German invasion in the execution of the Schlieffen Plan. Less appealing, and therefore less invoked for public consumption, but broadly consistent with this promoted justification, was Britain’s long-standing interest in maintaining a balance of power on the continent, which a German victory would not only disrupt, according to Foreign Office officials, but

in Labour, British radicalism and the First World War
Abstract only
The Anglo-American new world order from Wilson to Bush (Second edition)

This book explores the way in which the Anglo-American new world order (NWO) debate changed by 9/11, and the encouragement this has given to the 'neoconservatives' or 'neocons' within the George W. Bush Administration. It examines the policy-making process as it developed before the Versailles Conference of 1919. An extensive literature exists on the 'lessons of Versailles' and particularly on the 'failure' of the League of Nations (LON), one that started even before the signature of the Treaty of Versailles. The book then explores how the Conference and the LON attempted to frame the immediate problems of the post-war period. It shows how NWO architects' thinking developed in what might be called the area of 'global security' from the period of the First World War until the present. The clear evidence is that the American thinking on the NWO had a huge impact in Britain's processes in the same direction. President Theodore Roosevelt shared a deep suspicion of British motives for the post-war settlement in line with most Americans. He attributed blame for the inter-war crisis as much to British and French intransigence and balance of power politics at Versailles as to German aggression. The results of the Versailles settlement hung like a cloud over Allied relationships during the Second World War and gave a powerful impetus in American circles for an attitude of 'never again'. The variety of historical archival material presented provided the background to the current and historical American obsession with creating the world order.

Edwin Borchard between New Haven and Berlin
Jens Steffek
Tobias Heinze

action against villains who disregarded the international order. Borchard, by contrast, refused to brand the Nazis aggressors and propagated neutrality and non-interference. He did not change his mind during the Second World War, when the strategy of appeasing Hitler had quite obviously failed. 69 The German connection When Borchard discussed the scope and function of international law, he often cited the Treaty of Versailles, which was both his political target and his favourite example to illustrate his theory. Germany was Borchard’s ultimate case to prove that

in Prussians, Nazis and Peaceniks
Abstract only
Otto Lehmann-Russbueldt and German rearmament
Charmian Brinson
Richard Dove

-Russbueldt always retained the greatest respect for Steed, whom he called ‘my protector and teacher in the ways of this contradictory people’.10 Their friendship certainly outlived Lehmann-Russbueldt’s ability to supply useful information. MI5’s early interest in Lehmann-Russbueldt resurfaced as a result of his research for the book Germany’s Air Force, an exposé of secret German aerial rearmament in contravention of the Treaty of Versailles.11 Preliminary details of Germany’s secret aircraft programme, based on material supplied by Lehmann-Russbueldt and his fellow

in A matter of intelligence
Paul Bookbinder

provinces of Alsace and Lorraine that she had gained as a result of the Franco-Prussian War. The coal-rich province of the Saar was also separated from Germany and put under League of Nations control for a minimum of ten years. Alan Sharpe has observed, "The uncertainty over the eventual fate of the Saar reinforced Germany's fears in the west, but it was the loss of territory to Poland and the forced abandonment of German minorities in eastern Europe which most distressed the Weimar Republic about the territorial settlement." 13 Attempts to modify or destroy the Treaty of

in Weimar Germany
Graeme Morton

endeavours, scholars have argued that displays of colonial self-determination gave favourable impetus to nationalist debate in the Celtic countries, and there is some evidence of this for the Scottish example. 54 As the terms of the Treaty of Versailles were being crafted, the Scottish nationalists petitioned American President Woodrow Wilson with

in Scotland, empire and decolonisation in the twentieth century
Changing images of Germany in International Relations

This volume traces changing images of Germany in the field of International Relations (IR). Images of countries are mental representations with audio-visual and narrative dimensions that identify typical or even unique characteristics. This book focuses on perceptions of Germany from the English-speaking world and on the role they played in the development of twentieth-century IR theory. When the discipline originated, liberal internationalists contrasted cooperative foreign policies with inherently aggressive Prussianism. Early realists developed their ideas with reference to the German fight against the Treaty of Versailles. Geopoliticians and German emigre scholars relied on German history when they translated historical experiences into social-scientific vocabularies. The book demonstrates that few states have seen their image change as drastically as Germany during the century. After the Second World War, liberals, lawyers, and constructivists developed new theories and concepts in view of the Nuremberg trials, the transformation of the former enemy into an ally of the West, and Germany’s new commitment to multilateralism. Today, IR theorists discuss the perplexing nature of ‘civilian power’ Germany – an economic giant but a military dwarf. Yet the chapters in this volume also show that there has never been just one image of Germany, but always several standing next to each other in a sometimes compatible and sometimes contradictory manner.

Phillip Dehne

populations of Europe only after pitched struggles against anti-German blockaders. For these humanitarians at the Peace Conference in Paris in 1919 the ultimate example of Allied vindictiveness was the fact that the blockade continued intact until the signing of the Treaty of Versailles at the end of June, as a means to coerce Germany to accept the peace terms. For critics of economic sanctions, this Armistice-era blockade has ever since provided a paradigmatic example of how sanctions can be driven by human spite and an

in Humanitarianism and the Greater War, 1914–24
Silvia Salvatici

groups with a specific humanitarian vocation – caring for war victims. These new entities often drew their impulse from religious philanthropy but they were also connected to the different expressions of the growing international activism. An important example is the Save the Children Fund, which, founded in 1919, had a threefold origin: the British philanthropic tradition; the spirit of internationalism that condemned the punitive Treaty of Versailles; and the network of supranational cooperation that intertwined itself with feminist associations. This humanitarian

in A history of humanitarianism, 1755–1989