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The 2014 and 2015 Ardoyne parade disputes
Paul Reilly

gestures such as the altering of the flag protocol for Belfast City Hall in December 2012. Meanwhile, nationalist and republican residents criticised the Orange Order for refusing to engage in meaningful talks to resolve the impasse, going so far as to suggest that the outward leg of the parade should face similar restrictions. This chapter analyses how these affective publics both escalated and de-escalated tensions surrounding the Ardoyne parade and related protests. It examines how citizens used Twitter to respond to the contentious Orange Order parade in July 2014

in Digital contention in a divided society
Social media, parades and protests in Northern Ireland
Author: Paul Reilly

This book explores how social media are used by citizens to frame contentious parades and protests in ‘post-conflict’ Northern Ireland. It provides the first in-depth analysis of how Facebook, Twitter and YouTube were used by citizens to contest the 2013 union flag protests and the Ardoyne parade dispute (2014 and 2015). An essential read for researchers interested in digital mis- and disinformation, it will examine how citizens engaged with false information circulating on these platforms that had the potential to inflame sectarian tensions during these contentious episodes. It also considers the implications of this online activity for efforts to build peace in deeply divided societies such as Northern Ireland.

The book uses a qualitative thematic approach to analyse Facebook, Twitter and YouTube content generated during the flag protests and Ardoyne parade dispute between 2012 and 2016. It also draws on semi-structured interviews with key stakeholders including bloggers, political commentators and communication officers from the main political parties, as well as the results of a qualitative content analysis of newspaper coverage of these contentious public demonstrations.

D.Quentin Miller

The acceleration of interest in Baldwin’s work and impact since 2010 shows no signs of diminishing. This resurgence has much to do with Baldwin—the richness and passionate intensity of his vision—and also something to do with the dedicated scholars who have pursued a variety of publication platforms to generate further interest in his work. The reach of Baldwin studies has grown outside the academy as well: Black Lives Matter demonstrations routinely feature quotations from Baldwin; Twitter includes a “Son of Baldwin” site; and Raoul Peck’s 2016 documentary, I Am Not Your Negro, has received considerable critical and popular interest. The years 2010–13 were a key period in moving past the tired old formula—that praised his early career and denigrated the works he wrote after 1963—into the new formula—positing Baldwin as a misunderstood visionary, a wide-reaching artist, and a social critic whose value we are only now beginning to appreciate. I would highlight four additional prominent trends that emerged between 2010 and 2013: a consideration of Baldwin in the contexts of film, drama, and music; understandings of Baldwin globally; Baldwin’s criticism of American institutions; and analyses of Baldwin’s work in conversation with other authors.

James Baldwin Review
Open Access (free)
Fernando Espada

of coronavirus cases in real time were not long ago scanning Twitter feeds in dread of the moment when US President Donald Trump would make good on his promise to unleash ‘fire and fury like the world has never seen’. Fortunately for life on earth, two summits, a ‘very beautiful letter’ to Trump from Kim Jong Un and a brief encounter between the two leaders in the Korean Demilitarised Zone appear to have delayed the moment of truth. However, as Nazanin Zadeh-Cummings and Lauren Harris explain in ‘The Impact of Sanctions against North Korea on Humanitarian Aid’, the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
An Interview with Caroline Abu Sa’Da, General Director of SOS MEDITERRANEE Suisse
Juliano Fiori

’s rights.’ JF: To what extent do these ‘others’ – presumably opponents of search-and-rescue missions in the Med – pose direct challenges to the work SOS is doing? CAS: The Defend Europe people actually aren’t much of a burden. They organise a demonstration every time we arrive somewhere, and they are extremely active on social networks – much more so than we are, that’s for sure. When we publish something on Facebook or Twitter, we end up with thousands of comments from them. I’ve gone from working with MSF in highly insecure environments

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Sean Healy and Victoria Russell

Méditerranée and threatened the staff ( SOS Méditerranée, 2018 ). But these actions certainly proved attention-grabbing, especially on social media, which became extremely hostile to rescuers. The Twitter account of the operation, @MSF_Sea, was routinely ratio-ed by 100s or 1000s of racist and trolling comments. A parody Twitter account was set up, and its false stories (such as that MSF was advocating for the Schengen Agreement

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Mel Bunce

‘disinformatyza’: ‘news that’s not trying to persuade you … it’s trying to pollute the news ecosystem, to make it difficult or impossible to trust anything. … Disinformatyza helps reduce trust in institutions of all sorts, leading people either to disengage with politics as a whole or to put their trust in strong leaders who promise to rise above the sound and fury’ (2017). In 2018, extensive disinformation campaigns were traced back to Iran, too. More than 600 Facebook pages and 300 Twitter accounts linked to the Iranian regime were shut down for their

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
The Aid Industry and the ‘Me Too’ Movement
Charlotte Lydia Riley

created a twitter hashtag, #MeToo, to encourage women to respond to the accusations against Harvey Weinstein by sharing their own experiences of assault and abuse ( Khomami, 2017 ). Since the Weinstein accusations – and through his trial and subsequent conviction – journalists, academics, politicians and activists have spoken of a MeToo moment, as women across many different sectors vocalise their experiences of sexual assault, abuse and harassment at the hands of

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
From the Global to the Local
Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh

2018 ). Krähenbühl , P. ( 2017 ), ‘ Statement by UNRWA Commissioner-General Pierre Krähenbühl’, UNRWA , 11 December , www.unrwa.org/newsroom/official-statements/statement-unrwa-commissioner-general-pierre-kr%C3%A4henb%C3%BChl-0 (accessed 2 May 2018 ). Krähenbühl , P. ( 2018a ), Twitter message , 17 January 2018 , https://twitter.com/pkraehenbuehl/status/953562941370093568?lang=en (accessed 2 May 2018 ). Krähenbühl , P. ( 2018b

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
German Responses to the June 2019 Mission of the Sea-Watch 3
Klaus Neumann

, Sicily, ordered her release after throwing out two of the charges. The Italian Supreme Court later upheld that decision. For several days, the stand-off involving the Sea-Watch 3 and the Italian government, and the subsequent detention of Rackete dominated the news both in Italy and in Germany. In Italy, Salvini took to Twitter to attack Rackete, accusing her and her crew of being the ‘accomplices of traffickers and smugglers’ and running a ‘pirate ship’ ( BBC News, 2019 ). Both L’Espresso , Italy’s premier news magazine, and its German equivalent, Der Spiegel

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs