A generation ago, Spain was emerging from a nearly forty-year dictatorship. This book analyses the significant changes in the aesthetics, production and reception of Spanish cinema and genre from 1990 to the present. It brings together European and North American scholars to establish a critical dialogue on the topic of contemporary Spanish cinema and genre while providing multiple perspectives on the concepts of national cinemas and genre theory. The book addresses a particular production unit, the Barcelona-based Fantastic Factory as part of the increasingly important Filmax group of companies, with the explicit aim of making genre films that would have an appeal beyond the Spanish market. It explores the genrification of the Almodovar brand in the US media and cinematic imaginary as a point of departure to tackle how the concepts of genre, authorship and Spanish cinema itself acquire different meanings when transposed into a foreign film market. Melodrama and political thriller films have been a narrative and representational form tied to the imagining of the nation. The book also examines some of the aspects of Carícies that distinguish it from Pons's other entries in his Minimalist Trilogy. It looks briefly at the ways in which the letter acts as one of the central melodramatic gestures in Isabel Coixet's films. After an analysis of the Spanish musical from the 1990s until today, the book discusses Spanish immigration films and some Spanish-Cuban co-productions on tourism and transnational romance.
industrial strife of the ‘winter of discontent’, on which the USmedia
remained understandably mainly silent (focusing instead on the normalisation of US–Chinese relations and the détente between the United States
and the Soviet Union).2 Callaghan’s absence received a hostile press back in
Britain, 4,000 miles away – though in Guadeloupe, as a world leader and
NATO ally, he played honest broker at times between Carter and Schmidt.
The day after his return, Callaghan reported to his Cabinet concerning the
Guadeloupe summit on relations with the Soviet Union and China, the
Almodóvar’s, Amenábar’s and de la Iglesia’s generic routes in the US market
Vicente Rodriguez Ortega
-house circuits. 22
As we move forward in time, we easily detect how the next
Almodóvar films released in the US market built upon the critical
recognition the Spanish director had increasingly garnered in the USmedia via the inclusion of brief praising capsules from reputed critics.
In addition, these trailers disseminate a series of signposts that
remind spectators who were already familiar with Almodóvar films
to ensure his/her survival which make the act of piracy
more susceptible to romanticization than mercenarism.
USmedia narratives on PMSCs
This anti-mercenary narrative continues up until today and is visible in media
reporting about private military and security companies (Kruck and Spencer
2013). The chapter next examines the key narrative elements found in 183 of the
most relevant articles concerned with PMSCs during the height of the Iraq War
in three large US newspapers (New York Times, Washington Post and USA Today)
between 2004 and 2011.25
opinion or politics. And, by the same token, there is little evidence that the
video had traction in the mainstream USmedia. This does not diminish the power
of the content, but it forces us to realise how dissident voices are constrained by
economic and ideological imperatives.
This brings us back to points made earlier by Carruthers (Carruthers 2008)
and Fiore-Silfvast (Fiore-Silfvast 2012), as well as in earlier studies on the nature
of US war reporting (Bennett and Paletz 1994; Hallin 1994; Andersen 2006) and
the political economy of USmedia. For all of the
Table 4.1 Basic features of the interventionist discourse
Negotiating sovereignty and human rights
The interventionist discourse is one of the discourses that informed US opposition to the ICC. Its main proponents are US diplomats, legal experts aiming at
corroborating the US opposition to the ICC from a theoretical standpoint, and
parts of the USmedia. However, the interventionist discourse is not entirely
confined to US political actors
In Comandante (2003), Stone offered a mainly sympathetic view
of Cuba’s revolutionary leader, in answer to his long-standing perception that Castro had been at best misrepresented, and at worst
demonised by the USmedia. The documentary premiered at the
Sundance Film Festival in January 2003, and was scheduled for
transmission by HBO in May of the same year. However, in the
time in-between, a number of events combined to put Stone’s view
of Castro into sharper, but alas more isolated, relief. The incidents
further induced HBO to take the very unusual step of
Newsweek , 10 December 1990.
Quoted in the Daily Telegraph , 17 January
1991. The fact that Vietnam became a key issue in the build up to
the Gulf War can be demonstrated by ‘A survey of 66,000 news
stories that appeared in the USmedia
dimension of this evolving American media culture USmedia companies
bought rights to broadcast Olympic Games from the rights holders, the International Olympic Committee (IOC).
Mega-evens and mediatisation
Initially the sums involved were low. The USmedia corporation buying the
rights to TV broadcasting could readily recoup their costs from income from
advertisers for programming slots located within or near Olympic programming. So, albeit with the benefit of hindsight, it is clear that for at least the two
decades of the 1960s and 1970s the prices
from concluding and in emboldening developing countries’ delegates – who were used to being isolated from one another and being threatened into agreement by Northern representatives – to ally and refuse the unfair terms proposed by the WTO leadership. In the 15 years since that event, the WTO, one of the flagship institutions of neo-liberalism, has not concluded a global trade round successfully.
The USmedia were as hostile to social movements as the Irish, and a barrage of caricatures, anonymous stories from police sources and assertions of the perfection