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on the art of the political cartoon has been somewhat less robust. 3 It is with an eye to making preliminary redress of the imbalance that we offer a case study of political cartoons treating US foreign policy towards Cuba that appeared in Punch in the two decades between 1840 and 1859. During this period, one can discern the influence of generic permutations in the novel on contemporaneous cartoon representations of colonial ambitions, both old and new, in the New World
This book produces a major rethinking of the history of development after 1940 through an exploration of Britain’s ambitions for industrialisation in its Caribbean colonies. Industrial development is a neglected topic in histories of the British Colonial Empire, and we know very little of plans for Britain’s Caribbean colonies in general in the late colonial period, despite the role played by riots in the region in prompting an increase in development spending. This account shows the importance of knowledge and expertise in the promotion of a model of Caribbean development that is best described as liberal rather than state-centred and authoritarian. It explores how the post-war period saw an attempt by the Colonial Office to revive Caribbean economies by transforming cane sugar from a low-value foodstuff into a lucrative starting compound for making fuels, plastics and medical products. In addition, it shows that as Caribbean territories moved towards independence and America sought to shape the future of the region, scientific and economic advice became a key strategy for the maintenance of British control of the West Indian colonies. Britain needed to counter attempts by American-backed experts to promote a very different approach to industrial development after 1945 informed by the priorities of US foreign policy.
India, which is a subcontinent, whereas Palestine had just been an administrative district of the Ottoman Empire when it was occupied by the British Army in December 1917 before the Principal Allied Powers granted the Government of His Britannic Majesty a mandate over it. Another difference was the way in which Britain transferred power in both places. As Ian Talbot observed, the Attlee government did not have to cope with conflicting arguments over India that existed with respect to Palestine or deal with US foreign policy
1949 the monarchy was defined by the loyalist movement. (I define a ‘loyalist’, a label the movement never used, as one who supported France’s return to Laos after 1945.) Loyalists were just as ardent nationalists as were the Issara. 8 Since 1953, anti-communism provided a key platform for the monarchy, especially in Savang’s early reign (1959–64). Savang indeed expressed personal anti-communist views in 1946 – well before such positions guided US foreign policy in Asia. 9 Two cases illustrate the place of partisanship in the making of the modern Lao monarchy
and Dutch Sections, but not at the Colonial Office. British officials were aware that the US intended to use the Caribbean Commission to extend its influence in the region and shape both the economic and political future of the possessions of the European empires along lines that confirmed to the objectives of US foreign policy. On more than one occasion, US officials attempted to formally align the Caribbean Commission with the UN in some way, as a specialised agency or a regional council, in order that the territories of the region would abide by principles
ensure the promotion of humanitarian causes across the world. John Quincy Adams’s warning that the USA should not go abroad ‘in search of monsters to destroy’, a dictum that had shaped US foreign policy for much of the nineteenth century, no longer appeared to deter American activism. 2 A new spirit had infused US diplomacy. The embodiment of this new spirit was Theodore Roosevelt
.), The African American Voice in US Foreign Policy Since World War II (New York: Garland Publishing, 1998). 69 R. Wright, ‘Introduction’, in G. Lamming, In the Castle of my Skin (New York: Collier Books, 1953), p. vii
probably had several origins. One was his nervousness over the possibility of losing his passport. Passports had been denied to other Americans identified with communism and critical of US foreign policy; W. E. B. Du Bois and Paul Robeson had both lost theirs. The American consul in Paris, Agnes Schneider, was known to call in her fellow citizens, take their passports, drop them in a drawer, and present them