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In the context of political transitions taking place at the domestic, regional and international levels, this book maps a series of key Saudi and United Arab Emirates (UAE) bilateral relations incorporating the Middle East, the US, Europe, China, Russia, the Horn of Africa, India, Pakistan, Japan, Republic of Korea, Indonesia and Malaysia. It argues that established modes of analysis such as riyal politik and the Islamisation of Saudi foreign policy are somewhat redundant in a changing economic climate and amid evidence of uncertain returns, whilst political consolidation amounting to Sultanism tells only part of the story. The book underscores the role of youth, background, and western affinity in leadership, as well as liberalisation, hyper-nationalism, secularisation, ‘Push East’ pressure and broader economic statecraft as being the new touchstones of Saudi and UAE foreign policy. This volume also sheds light on aspects of offensive realism, dependency theory, alliance patterns, ‘challenger states’ and political legitimacy in a region dominated by competition, securitisation and proxy warfare.
Andrea B. Rugh, ‘The Political Culture of Leadership’, The Political Culture of Leadership in the United Arab Emirates. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007: 218. 3 See John Duke Anthony, Arab States of the Lower Gulf: People, Politics, Petroleum. Washington, DC: Middle East Institute, 1975. 4 Ibid
This book is about the end of the British Empire in the Middle East. It offers new insights into how the relationship between Britain and the Gulf rulers that was nurtured at the height of the British Empire affected the structure of international society as it remains in place today. Over the last four decades, the Persian Gulf region has gone through oil shocks, wars and political changes; however, the basic entities of the southern Gulf states have remained largely in place. How did this resilient system come about for such seemingly contested societies? The eventual emergence of the smaller but prosperous members such as Qatar, Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates was not at all evident until 1971. Until then, nine separate states had stood in parallel to each other under British influence. At various points, plans were discussed to amalgamate the nine into one, two, three or even four separate entities. What, then, drove the formation of the three new states we see today? Drawing on extensive multi-archival research in the British, American and Gulf archives, this book illuminates a series of negotiations between British diplomats and the Gulf rulers that inadvertently led the three states to take their current shape. The story addresses the crucial issue of self-determination versus ‘better together’, a dilemma pertinent not only to students and scholars of the British Empire or the Middle East but also to those interested in the transformation of the modern world more broadly.
This book explores the foreign and security policies of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), the two largest economies in the Middle East, in the context of leadership, political succession, transition and consolidation, as well as socio-economic change and other challenges taking place. The book deals with foreign policy analysis (FPA) and international relations (IR) as holistically as possible through a panoramic analysis of a series of key bilateral relations. It is not an exhaustive account, but provides an opportunity for an
). The current whereabouts of some of our interlocutors’ husbands, two in Kuwait and one in the United Arab Emirates, testify to the ongoing presence of Syrian labour migrants in the Gulf. All the men had worked in the Arab Peninsula before 2011 and had remained there while their wives and children were displaced to Jordan. The spouse of another interviewee, a former labour migrant in Kuwait, had returned to Syria to be with his second wife. Since the onset of the Syrian conflict, border
, the scope of the interviewee pool allows for an examination of the policy discourse at the global level, especially among those disproportionately represented in policymaking. The majority of the interviews, 104 in total, were conducted remotely via Skype or telephone. Additional interviews, totalling 14, were undertaken in person in Cambridge, Massachusetts (United States), Dubai (United Arab Emirates), and Beirut and Byblos (Lebanon). This article is divided into five sections. The first three sections examine, in turn, legal accountability efforts – or the lack
Since the early 2000s, the government of the United Arab Emirates (U.A.E.) first elevated and then eliminated statelessness as a policy issue through a series of unconventional population management policies. The centrepiece of this effort was the U.A.E.’s mass purchase of so-called ‘economic citizenship’ passports from the African country of
-is-saudi-arabia-finally-engaging-with-iraq/ 64 Ibid. 65 Jon B. Alterman, ‘The United Arab Emirates’, United States Institute of Peace Special Report 189: 10. 66 Kenneth Katzman, ‘The United Arab Emirates (UAE): Issues for U.S. Policy’, CRS Report for Congress, 4 September 2020: 10, https
engagement with Horn of Africa states, but the most prominent among them have been Turkey and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). 3 Attempts by both nations to consolidate their foothold in the region have had an impact on the political stature and fortunes of their local allies. This chapter aims to first theorize this interaction between the Horn region and the Middle East and how the interregional security paradigms are becoming intertwined. Following on from that, an attempt will be made to understand the engagement of
International Crisis Group, ‘The United Arab Emirates in the Horn of Africa’, Briefing 65, 6 November 2018, www.crisisgroup.org/middle-east-north-africa/gulf-and-arabian-peninsula/united-arab-emirates/b65-united-arab-emirates-horn-africa 13 Interview with Gerald M. Feierstein, 23 April 2021. 14