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Identity is contingent and dynamic, constituting and reconstituting subjects with political effects. This book explores the implications of Protestant and 'British' incursions for the development of Irish Catholic identity as preserved in Irish language texts from the early modern period until the end of Stuart pretensions. Questions of citizenship, belonging, migration, conflict, security, peace and subjectivity are examined through social construction, post-colonialism, and gendered lenses from an interdisciplinary perspective. The book explains the issue of cultural Catholicism in the later middle ages, by way of devotional cults and practices. It examines Catholic unionism vis-a-vis Victorian politics, military and imperial service, the crown, and the position of the Catholic Church with relation to the structures of the state in Ireland. In particular the North American experience and especially the importance of the USA for consolidating a particular interpretation of Irish Catholic nationalist identity, is explored. Children studied in English Catholic public schools like Stonyhurst and Downside where the establishment Irish Catholics and rising mercantile classes sought to have the characteristics of the Catholic gentleman instilled in their progeny. The book sets out to detect the voices of those Catholic women who managed to make themselves heard by a wider audience than family and friends in Ireland in the years between the Act of Union of 1800 and independence/partition. It considers what devotional interests both Gaelic Irish and Anglo-Norman actually shared in common as part of a wider late medieval Catholic culture.

Locality, brotherhood and the nature of tolerance

, post-1815 the Jews of Portsmouth and Southampton only merit a mention because of their pathbreaking role in being elected to municipal office and the progress in the treatment of Jews thereby revealed. 15 This chapter will explore, through the experiences of and responses to the two Emanuel families and the Abraham family, the nature of liberal tolerance towards the Jews within Victorian politics. Were these leading Jews accepted locally, and if so, on what terms? Emanuel Emanuel: the making of an elder statesman

in Anglo-Jewry since 1066
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midVictorian era left virtually no memoirs: in an age when politicians did not routinely publish their autobiographies, only some unusual situation would be likely to force their hands; even had they the desire, few senior politicians were likely to have much incentive to publish, as the publication of one’s private papers was considered somewhat unseemly.8 Money from book sales had little attraction for most wealthy aristocrats. In any case, the longevity of Victorian political careers often meant there was little opportunity for reflection: many died in office or soon

in Peace, war and party politics
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clearly opposed to home rule and made their loyalty to the Union all too clear. This is a theme taken up by Richard Keogh and James McConnel. Their aim here is to look at the phenomenon of Catholic unionism via the Esmonde family of Co. Waterford. Chapter 16 examines Catholic unionism vis-àvis Victorian politics, military and imperial service, the crown, and the 14 Irish Catholic identities position of the Catholic Church with relation to the structures of the state in Ireland. From a study of the Esmondes the authors extrapolate some general conclusions about the

in Irish Catholic identities

patriotism in pantomimes, melodrama and music ballet attests to a dominant conservative impulse at work within some popular performances. Yet, although there is one public, that public is made up of many individuals and collectivities. To ‘speak’ for public opinion was a political ambition, and to acknowledge and to frame ‘public opinion’ was a matter for both persuasion and representation: culture, itself, was a site of multiple meanings negotiated in myriad ways. Victorian politics was performative in so much as it was grounded in the visual and the spectacular but it

in Politics, performance and popular culture

), pp. 60–1, 78–9. 11 Hilton, Mad, Bad, pp. 31–8; Angus Hawkins, ‘“Parliamentary Government” and Victorian Political Parties, c.1830–1880’, English Historical Review, 104 (1989), pp. 638–69; Angus Hawkins, Victorian Political Culture: ‘Habits of Heart and Mind’ (forthcoming). 12 David Worrall, Theatric Revolution: Drama, Censorship, and Romantic Period Subcultures, 1773–1832 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006). 13 Richard A Gaunt (ed.), Unrepentant Tory: Political Selections from the Diaries of the Fourth Duke of Newcastle-under-Lyne, 1827–1838 (Woodbridge

in Politics, performance and popular culture
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Conclusion The period from 1830 to 1880 was characterised by a vibrant visual culture in which political likenesses were central, and without understanding this it is impossible to understand the broader evolution of political culture in this period. This book has addressed the narrowness of a number of assumptions to be widely found in the historiography of Victorian politics. Existing accounts have paid little attention to political portraiture. Since the 1990s historians influenced by the ‘new political history’ or the ‘linguistic turn’ have increasingly

in Politics personified

public sphere in Victorian politics, which was later to reach its pinnacle in the Gladstonian crusades.19 And, as we shall see, the primary preachers of this gospel of free trade, Cobden and John Bright (1811–1889), became important icons of liberal internationalist ideology. 29 The roots of liberal internationalism Other elements of popular politics were, however, less easy to square with core liberal values. For example, popular radicalism was often more bent on political equality and democracy than were intellectual or Westminster liberals (or parliamentary

in British liberal internationalism, 1880–1930
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in this field is mountainous and growing. Some of the best studies include Stefan Collini, Liberalism and Sociology (Cambridge, 1979); Stefan Collini, Public Moralists (Oxford, 1991); Stefan Collini, Donald Winch and J. W. Burrow, That Noble Science of Politics (Cambridge, 1983); Michael Freeden, The New Liberalism (Oxford, 1978); Michael Freeden, Liberalism Divided (Oxford, 1985); Lawrence Goldman, Science, Reform, and Politics in Victorian Britain (Cambridge, 2002); Christopher T. Harvie, The Lights of Liberalism (London, 1976); H. S. Jones, Victorian Political

in British liberal internationalism, 1880–1930

–41. 26 J. Pitts, ‘Boundaries of Victorian International Law’, in D. Bell (ed.), Victorian Visions of Global Order: Empire and International Relations in Nineteenth-Century Political Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 78–82. 27 D. S. A. Bell, ‘Empire and International Relations in Victorian Political Thought’, Historical Journal , 49:1 (2006), 286; Bell and Sylvest

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century