Abstract only
The domestic politics of Putin

This book shows the impact of twenty-first-century security concerns on the way Russia is ruled. It demonstrates how President Vladimir Putin has wrestled with terrorism, immigration, media freedom, religious pluralism, and economic globalism, and argues that fears of a return to old-style authoritarianism oversimplify the complex context of contemporary Russia. Since the early 1990s, Russia has been repeatedly analysed in terms of whether it is becoming a democracy or not. This book instead focuses on the internal security issues common to many states in the early twenty-first century, and places them in the particular context of Russia, the world's largest country, still dealing with its legacy of communism and authoritarianism. Detailed analysis of the place of security in Russia's political discourse and policy making reveals nuances often missing from overarching assessments of Russia today. To characterise the Putin regime as the ‘KGB-resurgent’ is to miss vital continuities, contexts, and on-going political conflicts that make up the contemporary Russian scene. The book draws together current debates about whether Russia is a ‘normal’ country developing its own democratic and market structures, or a nascent authoritarian regime returning to the past. Drawing on extensive interviews and Russian source material, it argues that the growing security factor in Russia's domestic politics is neither ubiquitous nor unchallenged. It must be understood in the context of Russia's immediate history and the growing domestic security concerns of many states the world over.

Justin A. Joyce

No Abstract

James Baldwin Review
Mel Bunce

influence. Humanitarian emergencies are often heavily politicised and multiple stakeholders seek to influence their representation in the news media and elsewhere online. Some of these groups are willing to spend considerable resources to create fabricated websites and social media content: a continuation of long traditions of propaganda. Russian President Vladimir Putin oversees extensive, precise, disruptive fake-information campaigns that are designed to cause confusion ( Paul & Matthews, 2016 ). At Russia’s ‘Internet Research Agency

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Abstract only
Edwin Bacon, Bettina Renz and Julian Cooper

own as an overview of policy development in its designated field, with an emphasis on the role that security concerns have played in the creation and implementation of policy. In this concluding chapter, we bring together these mezo-level analyses into a macro-level assessment of contemporary Russia. In essence, the question we are asking is, how accurate is it to portray Russia under Vladimir Putin as a country where policy-making is dominated by security? It is a common criticism by liberal observers of the Putin regime in Russia and abroad that, to put it in its

in Securitising Russia
Open Access (free)
Deciphering power in Russia
Andrew Monaghan

particularly during the mid-to-late 2000s, Putin (and Medvedev) have overseen largely joint appointments to senior positions of personnel with whom they have long and strong connections and who have proved themselves. The leadership team is built on two main pillars. One pillar consists of those in the core group who in the main are the friends, classmates and colleagues of Vladimir Putin (and Dmitri Medvedev

in The new politics of Russia
Abstract only
Edwin Bacon, Bettina Renz and Julian Cooper

straightforward as is often portrayed. This chapter argues for a stronger emphasis on existing policies and procedures than on conclusions based simply on the provenance of individual politicians and officials.2 On one level – intuitively and anecdotally – there seems to be little doubt that siloviki have played an increasing role in the governance of Russia since Vladimir Putin became president in March 2000. Many people who have known Russia in the past decade or so will confirm that under Putin the force structures have a new visibility and presence. A phrase that was

in Securitising Russia
Edwin Bacon, Bettina Renz and Julian Cooper

Bacon 01 3/2/06 10:22 AM Page 1 1 Approaches to contemporary Russia For most of the twentieth century Russia was markedly more authoritarian than it is today. Nonetheless, many observers of Russia in the first decade of the twenty-first century see a country increasingly moving back in an authoritarian direction, in comparison with the democratising moves and mood of the 1990s. According to this view, if the 1990s under President Boris Yeltsin was the decade of democracy then a new century and a new president, Vladimir Putin, have seen a shift in emphasis

in Securitising Russia
Andrew Monaghan

(finally) of the urban middle class as a revitalising force in Russian political life after the ‘de-democratisation’ of Vladimir Putin’s second term as president and the disappointments of Dmitri Medvedev’s term. The almost unanimous enthusiasm the protests generated in the mainstream Western discussion led to the emergence of an expert orthodoxy that they represented the beginning of the end of the Putin

in The new politics of Russia
The case of post-communist Russia
Matthew Sussex

type, which can be termed scapegoating , occurred alongside Russia’s political reformulation in the late 1990s and early 2000s, and was driven by the more authoritarian vision for Russia articulated by Vladimir Putin. The third and chronologically most recent type is nullification . This accompanied the consolidation of the present hybrid semi-authoritarian Russian state. It refers to a targeted

in Violence and the state
Edwin Bacon, Bettina Renz and Julian Cooper

immediate aftermath, as the capital took on an almost palpable atmosphere of fear and suspicion, and demands for the authorities to take firm action were legion. Vladimir Putin, then Russia’s newly appointed prime minister, cut short a summit meeting with US President Clinton in New Zealand to fly back to Moscow, where he sought to calm the more strident voices, strongly discouraging growing calls for a state of emergency to be declared across Russia.2 From its very beginning the second Chechen campaign – in contrast to the first – was officially framed as an anti

in Securitising Russia