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A promising beginning
José Álvarez-Junco

3 The ‘war of independence’: a promising beginning The invention of the ‘War of Independence’ The classification of the conflict unleashed in the Iberian peninsula between 1808 and 1814 as a ‘war of independence’, the term eventually bestowed upon it as a result of the nationalist narrative of these events, is highly questionable. If ‘war of independence’ is understood to mean an attempt at secession by the inhabitants of a territory integrated against their will into an empire, it should be borne in mind that Napoleon had no intention of turning the Spanish

in Spanish identity in the age of nations
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

On intervention The intervention of Britain, Russia and France in the Greek War of Independence is regarded as the first armed intervention on humanitarian grounds in world history (as depicted by publicists from Wheaton onwards) and it took place prior to the appearance of the new concept of humanitarian intervention. As such it was pace-setting. From the Congress of Vienna (1814–15) until the outbreak of the Greek War of Independence

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Patrick Doyle

resources did take place. In relation to agricultural development, the co-operative movement offered a ready-made instrument through which the rural policies might be carried out. From the vantage point of the IAOS, the shift in the political landscape raised the possibility of advancing attempts to construct a Co-operative Commonwealth. However, any prospects of a peaceful transition into the next phase of a more co-operative economy soon dissipated. The Irish War of Independence saw the country collapse into a violent guerrilla conflict fought between the Irish

in Civilising rural Ireland
The social transformation of the Scottish Highlands
Author: T. M. Devine

This book charts the story of the people of the Scottish Highlands from before the '45 to the great crofters' rebellion in the 1880s - a powerful story of defeat, social dissolution, emigration, rebellion and cultural revival. The conventional and familiar division of Scotland into 'Highlands' and 'Lowlands' is a comparatively recent development. Strangely, fourteenth century chroniclers who noted differences in culture, dress, speech and social behaviour between the Highlands and the Lowlands failed to comment on clanship as a distinguishing characteristic. During the Wars of Independence against England, soldiers from the Highlands fought on the Scottish side but were not given clan affiliations. The penetration of feudal structures into the Highlands blurred the distinction between clanship and social systems elsewhere in Scotland and many of the greatest clan chiefs were feudal lords as well as tribal leaders. This can be best illustrated from the history of the Lordship of the Isles. Successive heads of the MacDonald dynasty practised primogeniture, issued feudal charters to major landowners in the lordship and employed feudal rules in marital contracts. It used to be thought that Highland clanship died on Culloden Moor in 1746 and was effectively buried by the punitive legislation imposed on Gaeldom after the final defeat of the last Jacobite rebellion. It is clear that clan society was undergoing a process of gradual and protracted decline long before the '45 and that the climax to this was reached in the decades after the failure of the rebellion.

History and memory within the pied-noir and harki communities, 1962–2012
Author: Claire Eldridge

French rule in Algeria ended in 1962 following almost eight years of intensely violent conflict, producing one of the largest migratory waves of the post-1945 era. Almost a million French settlers - pieds-noirs - and tens of thousands of harkis - native auxiliaries who had fought with the French army - felt compelled to leave their homeland and cross the Mediterranean to France. Tracing the history of these two communities, From Empire to Exile explores the legacies of the Algerian War of Independence in France. It uses the long-standing grassroots collective mobilisation and memory activism undertaken by both groups to challenge the idea that this was a ‘forgotten’ war that only returned to public attention in the 1990s. Revealing the rich and dynamic interactions produced as pieds-noirs, harkis and other groups engaged with each other and with state-sanctioned narratives, this study demonstrates the fundamental ways in which postcolonial minorities have shaped the landscapes of French politics, society and culture since 1962. It also helps place the current ‘memory wars’ deemed to be sweeping France in their wider historical context, proving that the current competition for control over the representation of the past in the public sphere is not a recent development, but the culmination of long-running processes. By reconceptualising the ways in which the Algerian War has been debated, evaluated and commemorated in the five decades since it ended, this book makes an original contribution to important discussions surrounding the contentious issues of memory, migration and empire in contemporary France.

David Durnin

three primary conflicts in Ireland from 1916 to 1923: the Easter Rising (April 1916), Irish War of Independence (January 1919–July 1921) and Irish Civil War (June 1922–May 1923). As part of their wartime duties within the RAMC, a contingent of Irish doctors tended to those wounded in the Easter Rising, including members of the British Army and separatist Irish nationalists. Ex

in Medicine, health and Irish experiences of conflict 1914–45
Natalya Vince

fighters. Undoubtedly Algerian women have been pushed into a secondary role in the war story, but their presence, however marginal, has none the less been a constituent part of the epic narrative of resistance. It is the ultimate symbol, after all, of a struggle ‘by the people, for the people’. Representations of women in the War of Independence, both as victims and fighters, began to be spun into a national narrative before the conflict was finished and independence won. Gendered stereotypes sought to rally Algerians to the nationalist cause to defend ‘their women’ by

in Our fighting sisters
Abstract only
Natalya Vince

remembrance of those who died to liberate Algeria. At the base of the monument, three statues are said to represent the different facets of al-thawra – ‘the revolution’, as the War of Independence is called in Algeria.4 They are all figures of armed men. Opposite Maqam al-Shahid is Mathaf al-Jaysh, the Museum of the Army, which provides a celebratory account of Algeria’s most powerful institution. In the hushed space of the first floor, cabinet number twenty-three displays the child-size checked top of ‘little Omar’, the neatly folded white shirt of Ali la Pointe and the

in Our fighting sisters
Abstract only
Claire Eldridge

7 Friends and enemies As France moved into the new millennium, the nation, according to Henry Rousso, also moved into a phase of ‘hyper-memory’ as the War of Independence became ‘a continual and almost obsessive presence in the contemporary public space’.1 The outward signs of this national preoccupation were multiple and frequently contentious since the more narratives entered the public domain, the greater the potential became for contradictions and conflicts between them.2 It is the combative character of these developments that has attracted most attention

in From empire to exile
Marnie Hay

rebellion. The Fianna’s acts of defiance would grow bolder over time. For instance, in November 1917 a Fianna special squad participated in an arms raid on a pawn shop, an activity that would become more common in 1920 once the War of Independence was well underway. 50 The Fianna were among the republican organisations that increased their membership numbers and activities in response to the conscription crisis of the spring of 1918, though these new members did not necessarily remain once the threat diminished. 51 The crisis arose because the

in Na Fianna Éireann and the Irish Revolution, 1909–23