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Transatlantic relations from Truman to Trump

This book is an interpretive history of transatlantic security from the negotiation of the North Atlantic Treaty in 1948–1949 to the turbulence created by President Trump, British departure from the European Union (Brexit) and the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. The book concludes with analyses of possible futures for the West and observes “the most disruptive force of all has been the American presidency of Donald J. Trump. Trump refused to accept virtually all the political and strategic assumptions on which transatlantic political, economic, financial, and security relations have been based for 70 years. And, given the transatlantic alliance’s heavy reliance on American leadership and involvement, Trump’s lack of commitment has placed huge question marks over the West’s future.”

Challenges and opportunities

This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.

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Neil Collins and David O’Brien

laws purposely designed to serve Western interests. Similar assertions are found in the Party’s account of its developmental role in Tibet and its rightful claims to Taiwan. On these issues, the proposition that the Party’s monopoly is preserved in the interests of the people is seldom, if ever, challenged. Nationalistic and patriotic sentiments are easily aroused and, ironically, the CCP’s task is sometimes to control them. The CCP has decided to fan the flames of this powerful nationalism to shore up its legitimacy, but the inherent dangers that exist with

in The politics of everyday China
Stanley R. Sloan

2014 poll conducted by the Russia Public Opinion Center found that over 80 percent of Russians supported Putin’s use of force on behalf of Russian nationalism and believed that Crimea should remain a part of Russia. 9 As tensions with the West deepened over Russia’s seizure of Crimea and military intervention in Ukraine, it became clear that President Putin was contesting the entire system of security in Europe and globally based on Western interests. From his – and many Russians’ – point of view, the annexation of Crimea was justified by the need to protect ethnic

in Transatlantic traumas
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Conflict, media and displacement in the twenty-first century
Kirsten Forkert, Federico Oliveri, Gargi Bhattacharyya and Janna Graham

about day-by-day military operations, ‘terrorist’ incidents or individual examples of suffering, but little about the history or geopolitics of the region, or the causes of the conflicts. 2. Mainstream media coverage of conflicts is generally filtered through an idea of ‘Western interests’. The notion of ‘Western interests’ may vary according to the situation, including the involvement of ‘our troops’ on the ground, the kidnapping or killing of fellow citizens, the impact on ‘our national security’, ‘our economy’, ‘our access to natural/energy resources’, etc. In

in How media and conflicts make migrants
Open Access (free)
The international system and the Middle East
Raymond Hinnebusch

-state ideology, political Islam, which, like Arabism, conditioned regime legitimacy on defence of regional autonomy against Western domination. De-colonisation and the Cold War De-colonisation and the bi-polar Cold War between the USA and the USSR transformed the terms of international penetration in the Middle East. To be sure, given the exceptional concentration of Western interests there – oil, transit routes, and the protection of Israel – the Western great powers had no intention of leaving the region in the wake of Arab

in The international politics of the Middle East
Stanley R. Sloan

, Europe’s ability to influence global events with military forces was steadily shrinking. The United States attempted to fill vacuums left by the European withdrawal to ensure Western interests by limiting territorial or political gains for the Soviet Union and protecting access to Third World markets and sources of vital natural resources. The decline in Europe’s ability to influence events in the Third World was accompanied by an evolution in European strategies toward Third World problems. European policies became increasingly dependent on political and economic

in Defense of the West (second edition)
Joseph Heller

’s intentions were clear from his book, The Philosophy of the Revolution , as had Hitler’s been in Mein Kampf . On the other hand, he was encouraged by US intervention in Lebanon (7,000 US Marines sent to Lebanon to protect Western interests) and hoped US aid would be forthcoming. 17 Israel, however, had its own considerations and had initially opposed the transport of British forces to Jordan through

in The United States, the Soviet Union and the Arab– Israeli conflict, 1948– 67
Stuart Horsman

escalated considerably, it would not adversely affect Western interests. However, these may be affected indirectly. Some of the interests at risk are national self-interests and material. These include risks to current and potential investments in the region, a worsening security environment in Central Asia, which could draw in significant near neighbours including Russia and China, and the possibility of massive refugee flows. Other interests are more universalist and benign in character, including the promotion and defence of human rights and conflict prevention, good

in Limiting institutions?
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Terry Macintyre

become increasingly important to Britain’s role in the world; for Germany, an integrated Europe would offer the best prospect of ending the divisions of the past. From the outset, the Labour government adopted a dual approach towards Germany and its Ostpolitik, such as it was at the time: firstly, to encourage a more flexible attitude by the Germans towards their neighbours to the east; and secondly, to strengthen a relationship through which it could influence German policy in ways conducive 234 Anglo-German relations to Western interests. In these ways, tension

in Anglo-German relations during the Labour governments 1964–70