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Gender Equality and Culture in Humanitarian Action
Ricardo Fal-Dutra Santos

mentality ( Nader and Savinar, 2016 : 53), or ‘civilising ideology’ ( Barnett, 2011 ), of colonialism/imperialism, which sought inter alia to impose a specific set of (Western) values and practices on other cultures. The legacy of colonialism persists in the ‘Occidental … thinking, finance, capacity and geographical origin’ of many major humanitarian organisations ( Slim, 2015b : 13). The humanitarian sector has grown increasingly aware of, and made

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
José Luís Fiori

. Decolonisation and the independence of African and Asian states contributed to this expansion. And of particular importance was China’s transformation of its ancient civilisation and empire into a nation state, which, after the Cold War, would sign up to the international institutions and regulations created following the Second World War. Indeed, this is one of the reasons that, in the 1990s, American commentators referred to the ‘end of history’, the emergence of a unipolar world, the victory of Western liberalism and the universalisation of Western values

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Transatlantic relations from Truman to Trump

This book is an interpretive history of transatlantic security from the negotiation of the North Atlantic Treaty in 1948–1949 to the turbulence created by President Trump, British departure from the European Union (Brexit) and the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. The book concludes with analyses of possible futures for the West and observes “the most disruptive force of all has been the American presidency of Donald J. Trump. Trump refused to accept virtually all the political and strategic assumptions on which transatlantic political, economic, financial, and security relations have been based for 70 years. And, given the transatlantic alliance’s heavy reliance on American leadership and involvement, Trump’s lack of commitment has placed huge question marks over the West’s future.”

Stanley R. Sloan

nations devastated by the war and to give democratic governments a chance to survive in the recovery period. The Marshall Plan’s requirement that the European recipients organize to use the aid most effectively helped start the process of community-building that led to today’s European Union. Wise Europeans and Americans created the North Atlantic Treaty Organization to defend Western values and interests from external threats. At the end of the Cold War, Western countries breathed a sigh of relief. Some observers, most notably Francis Fukuyama in The End of History

in Transatlantic traumas
Abstract only
The West, its ideas and enemies
Stanley R. Sloan

divide rather than unite human beings. It is not the West that President Trump has referred to as constituting “the bonds of culture, faith and tradition that make us who we are.” 1 Trump’s formulation threatens to close the door of the West to those of different cultures, faiths and traditions who, while differing in many ways, nonetheless accept and practice Western values. This concept of the West has been shaped largely since the end of World War II. But the history is both much deeper and fraught with the challenges of change. This West traces its roots to the

in Transatlantic traumas
Stanley R. Sloan

whether and how the West can encourage Turkey to hold to Western values while continuing to serve significant alliance interests in the region. The abortive relationship between Turkey and the EU may have been a causal factor in Turkey’s recent move away from democracy, but European NATO members and the United States will be challenged to try to coax Turkey back into a more democratic and secular path and away from closer relationships with Moscow and Middle Eastern authoritarian regimes. That being said, President Erdoğan’s deep commitment to his Sunni beliefs, to

in Transatlantic traumas
Dimitrios Theodossopoulos

intrinsic worth of Western civilisation. This ambivalence encapsulates the expectation that indigenous people may benefit from some Western values and priorities – such as education for children and hospital care – while at the same time remain unaffected by other ‘corrupting’ Western influences or technologies. In this respect, tourist expectations frequently oscillate between exoticism and primitivism, two visions of Otherness rooted in the ‘European world hegemony’ established in the age of exploration (Friedman 1994:  4). In our age of increased global flows, such

in Exoticisation undressed
Abstract only
Ilan Zvi Baron

1 The end of politics Introduction At the end of the Cold War, American intellectuals proffered lofty proclamations about the strength of American ideals, represented most generally in the Western values of liberal democracy and capitalism. In addition to Fukuyama’s end of history thesis,1 there was Charles Krauthammer’s argument on behalf of the Unipolar Moment2 where he predicted a greater risk of war despite how, “The center of world power is the unchallenged superpower, the United States, attended by its Western allies.” This glamorization of American power

in How to save politics in a post-truth era
John Lough

the German government also need to recognise the mistakes made by German companies in Russia and the damage they have caused. The corrupt practices of some of corporate Germany’s proudest names can only have strengthened views in the Kremlin and in Russian society generally that western values are a sham. Such behaviour undermines German efforts to promote rule of law in Russia and adherence to international law abroad. In addition, Putin’s ability to buy the lobbying services of Gerhard Schröder, who continues to make the Kremlin’s case in Germany, underlines the

in Germany’s Russia problem
Has illiberalism brought the West to the brink of collapse?
Series: Pocket Politics

The West of which we speak is defined by the values of liberal democracy, individual freedom, human rights, tolerance and equality under the rule of law. This book explores how Islamist terror and Russian aggression as companion threats to the West when terrorists target Russia as well as the United States and its allies. The threats posed by Islamist terror and Russian aggression present themselves in very different ways. In the time of transatlantic traumas, the Islamist terrorist threat and the Russian threat have worked diligently and with some success. The book examines the hatred of Islamists towards Western democracies, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Union for their involvement in the Middle East politics for several decades. There is no single explanation for the rising popularity of illiberalism in the Western democracies; a combination of factors has produced a general sense of malaise. The book discusses the sources of discontent prevailing in the Western countries, and looks at the rise of Trumpism, Turkey and its Western values as well as the domestic tensions between Turkey's political parties. It suggests a radical centrist populist Western strategy could be applied to deal with the threats and challenges, reinvigorating the Western system. The book also touches upon suggestions relating to illiberalism in Europe, Turkey's drift away from the West, and the Brexit referendum.