Closures and workplace conflict:
the origins of the strike
The deep roots of the 1984–85 strike were located in the long process of industrial and social restructuring that was examined in the previous chapter. The
pressures on Scottish miners arising from this, with increased managerial
control in pursuit of cheaper production, intensified further in the early 1980s,
and resulted in a sequence of pit-level disputes. These were the more immediate
origins of the 1984–85 strike. Miners facing pit closures, and troubled by managerial incursions on established
Too much happens in the workplace
Karolina J. Dudek
In his fascinating book Cubed: A secret history of the workplace
(2014), Nikil Saval described how workplaces have changed since
the beginning of the twentieth century. With the rise of the clerks’
tribe, they have in fact changed a great deal. As one of the characters
in the US film Office space (1999) expressed it: ‘Human beings
were not meant to sit in little cubicles staring at computer screens
all day’ (quoted in Saval, 2014: 3). And yet they do.
Juriaan van Meel (2000: 25–53) has provided a comparison
This book draws on original research into women’s workplace protest to deliver a new account of working-class women’s political identity and participation in post-war England. In doing so, the book contributes a fresh understanding of the relationship between feminism, workplace activism and trade unionism during the years 1968–85. The study covers a period that has been identified with the ‘zenith’ of trade union militancy. The women’s liberation movement (WLM) also emerged in this period, which produced a shift in public debates about gender roles and relations in the home and the workplace. Industrial disputes involving working-class women have been commonly understood as evidence of women’s growing participation in the labour movement, and as evidence of the influence of second-wave feminism on working-class women’s political consciousness. However, the voices and experiences of female workers who engaged in workplace protest remain largely unexplored. The book addresses this space through detailed analysis of four industrial disputes that were instigated by working-class women. It shows that labour force participation was often experienced or viewed as a claim to political citizenship in late modern England. A combination of oral history and written sources is used to illuminate how everyday experiences of gender and class antagonism shaped working-class women’s political identity and participation.
Contextualising women’s workplace activism in
he growth of women’s employment was one of the most significant social and economic changes in post-war England. But what
were the implications of these changes for working-class women’s
political identities and sense of self? This chapter provides an overview of
how women’s growing presence in the workforce was understood by contemporaries. It demonstrates that female workers, trade unions, social
scientists and WLM activists were increasingly drawing public attention
to the poor conditions and
Remaking workplace trade
In 1968, Birmingham-born Colin Fitzer came to work at Rover in
Solihull. In his previous job, he’d been dismissed from a small cabinet-making firm for arguing with the owner over a wage deduction for absenteeism. The world he would find at Rover would be
very different. There the factory was a closed shop, union membership was mandatory, steward representation and well-attended
workgroup meetings were normal, and it was rare to be sacked just
for arguing with the boss. Moving from a small firm with a weak
Combating discrimination against immigrant workers
Multiple diversity in the labour market and
in the workplace: combating discrimination
against immigrant workers
Immigrants’ participation in the labour market is a fairly recent phen
omenon in Spain. The number of immigrant workers increased from
less than 200,000 in 1996 to more than 3,000,000 in 2007 (Ministerio
de Trabajo y Asuntos Sociales; MTAS, 2007a). Immigrants are typically
employed in areas with a high need for labour, such as construction,
agriculture, the hotel business, house keeping and care for the elderly.
Immigration is mainly
way, his resignation was cast not as the admission of bad behaviour but as a
further humanitarian act. An independent review uncovered an unhealthy workplace
culture in the SCUK offices – there was a pronounced gender pay gap, 17 per
cent of women reported harassment, 26 per cent of women reported discrimination;
there were also a number of reports of gender harassment and unwanted sexual
attention in the workplace ( Save the Children,
2018 ). In 2018, there had been
Gender Equality and Culture in Humanitarian Action1
Ricardo Fal-Dutra Santos
Press ), pp.
265 – 75 .
Mizzi , R.
C. ( 2013 ),
‘ “There Aren’t Any Gays Here”:
Encountering Heteroprofessionalism in an International Development
Workplace ’, Journal of
Homosexuality , 60 : 11 ,
1602 – 24 .
Mohanty , C.
T. ( 1991 ),
attack – both squarely within the model of ‘stranger danger’.
However, research on workplace sexual assault in the United States identifies
working in isolated contexts, temporary work status, male-dominated jobs and
settings with significant power differentials – all relevant to humanitarian
work – as conducive to harassment and assault (see Humanitarian Outcomes, 2019b : 17n12).
Women aid workers especially face more quotidian forms of harassment and abuse, such
focus on ‘identifying the various patterns and mechanisms’ of
exclusion of women within a workplace during early struggles for equality. However,
the goal of gender-inclusion ‘transcends mere equality’ ( Maryville University, 2020 ) and should
ensure that ‘all services, opportunities, and establishments are open to all
people and that male and female stereotypes do not define societal roles and
The criteria for the implementation of