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Superpower rivalry
Author: Joseph Heller

Four questions stand before the historian of the cold war and the Arab-Israeli conflict: 1) Did Israel and the US have a 'special relationship'? 2) Were Soviet-Israeli relations destined for failure from 1948? 3) Was the Arab-Israeli conflict insoluble because of the cold war or in spite of it? 4)Was detente between the superpowers the key to solving the Arab-Israeli conflict? Israel failed to get a security guarantee from the US because if it were granted ally status the Arab states would turn to the Soviets. Instead of a security guarantee Kennedy used the nebulous term 'special relationship', which did not bind America politically or militarily. Relations with the USSR looked promising at first, but the Zionist ideology of the Jewish state made it inevitable that relations with would worsen , since the Kremlin rejected the notion that Soviet Jews were by definition part of the Jewish nation, and therefore candidates for emigration to Israel. As for the Arabs, they were adamant that the Palestinian refugees return en mass, which meant the destruction of of Israel. No compromise suggested by the US was acceptable to to the Arabs , who were always supported by the USSR.The Soviets demanded detente cover not only the Arab states and Israel, but Turkey and Iran as well. Consequently the Middle East remained a no-man's-land between the superpowers' spheres of influence, inexorably paving the way for the wars in 1956 and 1967.

Examples from late Ottoman-era Palestine and the late British Mandate
Yossi Katz and Liora Bigon

conditions but also with Zionist ideological motivation. The ideological element was central to their development. Particularly in Tel Aviv, the initial middle-class character of some of these developments was only marked in the first year or two. Very soon, workers and other residents with limited means built new suburbs in Tel Aviv as well as Haifa, adopting smaller building plots and plans

in Garden cities and colonial planning
David Deutsch

writings to this vision. Despite the lack of firm traditional legislation, Efrati’s two published books focused on the rationale and duty of mass reburial. Oshri’s comprehensive body of writings covered the obligation to rebury the victims. Furthermore, both authors shared the tendency to dramatise their text, a tendency that is rarely seen in traditional responsa literature. Efrati took advantage of the unprecedented nature of post-​war mass graves and his Zionist ideology to link reburial with national identity. Four aspects, which deviate from traditional responsa

in Human remains in society
Abstract only
Joseph Heller

, but was opposed to its Zionist ideology. Since mass immigration was at the top of Israel’s agenda, it was unlikely that Israel could maintain correct diplomatic relations with the Soviets because immigration would undermine the image of the Soviet Union’s multinational structure. In addition, Israel had openly supported the United States during the Korean War, shattering its pretense of non

in The United States, the Soviet Union and the Arab– Israeli conflict, 1948– 67
Arabs, Israelis, and the limits of military force
Author: Jeremy Pressman

The Arab–Israeli conflict has been at the centre of international affairs for decades. Despite repeated political efforts, the confrontation and casualties continue, especially in fighting between Israelis and Palestinians. This new assessment emphasizes the role that military force plays in blocking a diplomatic resolution. Many Arabs and Israelis believe that the only way to survive or to be secure is through the development, threat, and use of military force and violence. This idea is deeply flawed and results in missed diplomatic opportunities and growing insecurity. Coercion cannot force rivals to sign a peace agreement to end a long-running conflict. Sometimes negotiations and mutual concessions are the key to improving the fate of a country or national movement. Using short historical case studies from the 1950s through to today, the book explores and pushes back against the dominant belief that military force leads to triumph while negotiations and concessions lead to defeat and further unwelcome challenges. In The sword is not enough, we learn both what makes this idea so compelling to Arab and Israeli leaders and how it eventually may get dislodged.

Ronit Lentin

land) as a central value in the Zionist ideology: ‘because most Israelis migrated from other countries and did not know the land, this project was designed to fill the void, to acquaint them with the landscapes, the history, the flora, the geography and the geology of Erez Israel, and enable them to know the land as their fathers before them.’ Knowing the land, taught at school in ‘homeland’ (Hebrew for geography) classes classes, became a complete culture, with walking hikes ‘from sea to sea’ (from the Mediterranean to the Dead Sea – a four-day Zionist youth

in Co-memory and melancholia
Zionism and Israel as role models in Islamist writing
Uriya Shavit and Ofir Winter

the history of the Jewish people, Zionist ideology and the methods used in their effort to gain sovereignty over Palestine. The article blamed ‘international Jewry’ for controlling world politics through their offshoot organization the Freemasons and through the immense fortunes it had accumulated. Accompanying these d ­ epictions – and not necessarily in contradiction to them – the article openly lauded Jewish operations and organizing skills at that moment in time. While expressing confidence that the Arabs would eventually have the upper hand because God had

in Zionism in Arab discourses
Joseph Heller

respond by expelling Soviet diplomats. Israel was active in the Soviet Union not only because of its Zionist ideological obligations and demographic plight, but also because of Soviet anti-Semitism. Anti-Semitic incitement was rife in Soviet scientific institutions and other places where Jews were generally employed, and propaganda depicted Israel as an agent of Western espionage, carried out in the Soviet Union

in The United States, the Soviet Union and the Arab– Israeli conflict, 1948– 67
German-Jewish literaryproposals on garden cities in Eretz Israel
Ines Sonder

Verlag, 1922). 5 Eric Cohen, ‘The city in Zionist ideology’, The Jerusalem Quarterly , 4 (1977), 126–44. 6 Theodor Herzl, Old New Land , trans. Lotta Levensohn (New York and Princeton, NJ: Markus Wiener

in Garden cities and colonial planning
Ronit Lentin

the failure to realise ideals of democracy, morality, and justice, upon which Zionist ideologies grounded the reclamation of ‘the land without people’ for the pariah, persecuted Jewish ‘people without land’. I too was brought up on the innocent, enthusiastic hope for a just Jewish future. Turning from victims to perpetrators was not part of the plan. Yet, after the Gaza war, in the spirit of mourning the loss of ‘our’ innocence – as if that innocence had remained intact until the most recent onslaught in December 2008, all the past wars and atrocities

in Co-memory and melancholia