revolutionary possibilities of
Marxism can infuse queer theory to offer a new approach to queer
tactics in capitalism. Given that the abolition of private property
was a key program in Soviet Marxism, it can bring an important new
thread into queer theory. 11 Scholars of art theory such as Boris Buden
and Boris Groys called for a move away from an understanding of
State socialism as
liberal states in action. As Duncan Bell observes: ‘Self-declared liberals have
supported extensive welfare states and their abolition; the imperial civilizing mission and its
passionate denunciation; the necessity of social justice and its outright rejection; the
perpetuation of the sovereign state and its transcendence; massive global redistribution of
wealth and the radical inequalities of the existing order’ ( Bell, 2014 : 683).
Norms can also be supported by the idea that a world of rules and norms has benefits for
Moving between Britain and Jamaica this book examines the world of commerce, consumption and cultivation created and sustained through an engagement with the business of slavery. Tracing the activities of a single extended family – the Hibberts – it explores how the system of slavery impacted on the social, cultural, economic and political landscape of Britain during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Integrating an analysis of the family as political and economic actors with an examination of their activities within the domestic and cultural sphere, the book provides an overview of the different ways in which slavery reshaped society both at home and out in the empire. From relatively humble beginnings in the cotton trade in Manchester, the Hibberts ascended through the ranks of Jamaica’s planter-merchant elite. During the abolition campaigns they were leading proslavery advocates and played a vital role in securing compensation for the slave owners. With a fortune built on slavery, the family invested in country houses, collecting, botany and philanthropy. Slavery profoundly altered the family both in terms of its social position and its intimate structure. The Hibberts’ trans-generational story imbricates the personal and the political, the private and the public, the local and the global. It is both the personal narrative of a family and an analytical frame through which to explore Britain’s participation in, and legacies of, transatlantic slavery. It is a history of trade, colonisation, exploitation, enrichment and the tangled web of relations that gave meaning to the transatlantic world.
"An influential concept in North American queer studies, gender has been forged as part of the anti-communist Cold War and became one of its key analytics at the beginning of the 1990s. In tracing the conceptual history of gender, this book de-centers queer studies and provides an innovative approach by excavating a rival communist sexuality during the Cold War. As opposed to a theory of gender, eastern European Marxism generated a revolutionary imagination that had at its core a dialectical understanding of bodies and sexual acts. This communist understanding of sexuality centered on a productive body that was better able to feel and live than its capitalist counterpart. The book is original not only because it analyzes competitive models of Cold War sexuality, but also because it inserts historical materialism into queer theory. By drawing on materials from socialist theory, queer studies and communist films, it moves from the 1920s to the 1950s to the 1990s to understand the emergence of contemporary sexual categories. It traces the rise of gender and queer by studying the shared and complicated history of communist history and queer theory. It also provides a new dialectical method by juxtaposing socialist theory and films with queer anti-racist theory. In doing so, it offers a sensuous materiality that transforms the epistemology of a queer of color analytic. The book is an essential contribution to a scholarship that interrogates queer liberalism and new formations of anti-gender ideology.
made the shift from a bicameral to a unicameral legislature. Some politicians argue that the UK should follow the example of New Zealand.
Some favour abolition on principle – they see no grounds for a second chamber – and others favour abolition in preference to an elected chamber. The latter focus on maintaining the primacy of the House of Commons and believe that the election of a second chamber would challenge that primacy in a way that an appointed chamber cannot. For them, their first preference is an appointed House. Abolition is the default if the government
… does not tell the truth,” Du Bois argued that the consequences of selective remembrance had implications in the present. 6 To illustrate this point, he explained that one could easily go through the American education system “without any idea of the part which the black race has played in America; of the tremendous moral problem of abolition; of the cause and meaning of the Civil War and the relation which Reconstruction had to democratic government and the labor movement today.” 7 In Du Bois’s view, this could be attributed to a persistent and ahistorical refusal
This book considers the ways that representations of Africa have contributed to the changing nature of British national identity. It does so by developing the concept of the African presence: the ways that references to Africa have become part of discussions within British political culture about the place of Britain in the world. Using interviews, photo archives, media coverage, advertisements, and web material, the book focuses on major Africa campaigns: the abolition of slavery, anti-apartheid, drop the debt, and Make Poverty History. Using a hybrid theoretical framework based mainly around framing, the book argues that the representation of Africa has been mainly about imagining virtuous Britishness rather than generating detailed understandings of Africa. The book develops this argument through a historical review of 200 years of Africa campaigning. It also looks more closely at recent and contemporary campaigning, opening up new issues and possibilities for campaigning: the increasing use of consumer identities, electronic media, and aspects of globalization. This book will be of interest to anyone interested in postcolonial politics, relations between Britain and Africa, and development studies.
-slavery. It is necessary, however, to remember that it was not until a century later that the condemnation of slavery became a priority for the Quakers and the Society of Friends played an important role in promoting a public campaign on the subject. The initial stage of the anti-slavery movement is placed therefore in the final decades of the eighteenth century and it is commonly believed that from that moment on, abolitionism began its inexorable march towards the triumph of the right cause. The main steps on this march were taken in Britain and comprised the first
naval campaign. The following sections will examine the periods of
British abolition and the West Indian emancipations of 1834–38, the
early Victorian crisis of suppression, and the era of the American
Civil War, tracing across time the development of priorities,
motives and traditions.
Born of war (1807–30)
On a practical level, the Royal