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Christopher Snedden

Swami.’  310 Kak's dismissal was significant. According to Karan Singh, his father sacked ‘the one man who had the intellectual capacity to make some coherent effort towards an acceptable settlement’ of the accession issue. 311 Secondly, the timing of it shortly after, and possibly because of, Gandhi's visit and just before partition ‘sent a deep wave of apprehension among Muslims’ that Hari Singh had

in Independent Kashmir
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An incomplete aspiration

This book examines the topic of an independent ‘Kashmir’ and why this political aspiration to be self-governing and free from coerced subordination to another nation remains unsatisfied. It focuses on how Maharaja Hari Singh, Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah and Muslim Kashmiris have envisioned or sought independence for Jammu and Kashmir (J&K), or for their particular region within this disputed entity. Hari Singh and Sheikh Abdullah were the two most significant figures in J&K in the twentieth century. They also were political rivals, united briefly in 1947 by not wanting J&K to join Pakistan and by an indecisive desire for an independent J&K. After acceding to India, Singh quickly became redundant. Through a tumultuous political career, Abdullah strove for independence or maximum autonomy for J&K. In 1988, disenchanted Muslim Kashmiris surprisingly began a violent anti-India uprising seeking azadi (independence, freedom) for their region or for it to join Pakistan. Kashmiris remain severely disgruntled and this insurgency continues to pose challenges for India. By concentrating on these two men and this insurgency, the book provides a focused, in-depth history of J&K from the mid-1920s, when Hari Singh became J&K’s ruler, to the present time, when many Kashmiris still crave azadi from India. While an ‘independent Kashmir’ is a long envisioned aspiration, the book concludes that it is likely to remain incomplete while India and Pakistan exist in their current structures, while India is strong and unified, and while Kashmiris are disunified and uncertain about what status they want for their homelands.

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Administrative reform in Romania
Tom Gallagher

2006 the Tăriceanu government published an emergency ordinance whereby 8,500 new civil servants would be appointed by the summer to deal with accession issues. Professional managers and financial experts would have to be found and urgently allocated tasks which would ensure that structural funds would start flowing into Romania in the near future. The new appointees were to receive a 75% bonus on top of the basic salary. One consequence, which should not have been unexpected, was that there was a rush to be selected for these coveted jobs in Bucharest from other

in Romania and the European Union
Tom Gallagher

after much pressure from Brussels would produce resolve to make progress with the more difficult accession issues. Pasquarelli would have probably found it difficult to serve under a director prepared to seize upon mainly public relations trifles as evidence that Romania was honouring its entry conditions. Within four months, he had been promoted to a very different position, in the Transport Directorate of the Commission. Contrary to claims in the Romanian press, there is no evidence that his departure was involuntary or induced by political pressure. But at a late

in Romania and the European Union
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Mary Venner

previously existed in Kosovo, such as the Prime Minister’s Office and the Office of the Auditor General, or further developing institutions that had been in existence for a few years, at most, and had been established by previous rounds of technical assistance. EAR assistance for institution building concentrated on EU accession issues and compliance with the acquis communautaire

in Donors, technical assistance and public administration in Kosovo
Christopher Snedden

government. 87 Because Abdullah and his political lieutenant, Mirza Afzal Beg, were both then on the political outer and needed their own political party, and possibly in response to Home Minister Pant's statement in July 1955 that a plebiscite was no longer needed for J&K, 88 Beg established the All J&K Plebiscite Front ( Mahaz-e-Raishumari ) on 9 August 1953. 89 It had three ‘basic issues’: the accession issue was

in Independent Kashmir