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1 Banal activism On Saturday 9 June 2001, the Scotsman newspaper published a cartoon displaying a country road gridlocked with motorists and caravans. As the procession winds around a bend in the distance, they pass a road sign announcing: ‘Welcome to Dumfries and Galloway – Unique Habitat of Scotland’s Only Tory MP! Amazing Wonders of Nature!’ Published days after the 2001 general election, this cartoon satirised the election of the little-known Scottish Conservative candidate Peter Duncan in the rural southwest of Scotland. Following the ‘wipe out’ of the
Anti-racist scholar-activism raises urgent questions about the role of contemporary universities and the academics who work within them. As profound socio-racial crises collide with mass anti-racist mobilisations, this book focuses on the praxes of academics working within, and against, their institutions in pursuit of anti-racist social justice.
Amidst a searing critique of the university’s neoliberal and imperial character, Joseph-Salisbury and Connelly situate the university as a contested space, full of contradictions and tensions.
Drawing upon original empirical data, the book considers how anti-racist scholar-activists navigate barriers and backlash in order to leverage the opportunities and resources of the university in service to communities of resistance.
Showing praxes of anti-racist scholar-activism to be complex, diverse, and multifaceted, and paying particular attention to how scholar-activists grapple with their own complicities in the harms perpetrated and perpetuated by higher education institutions, this book is a call to arms for academics who are, or would like to be, committed to social justice.
5 From apathy to activism: causal factors stimulating change Introduction Part I showed that the State was not concerned with issues of corporate and white-collar crime because it had a largely agrarian economy with low levels of corporate activity. Increased corporate activity was a way of providing employment. It had positive connotations so there was little social or political recognition of the potentially negative effects of inadequate corporate regulation. This chapter analyses the causal factors that led to the recognition that corporate misconduct could
methods which are legally allowed, but informally discouraged by the state. Yet others use channels which are outright taboo, yet which are not explicitly illegal, such as petitions, collective bargaining or strikes. These channels are used to put forward a request for change in the law as well as for wider social and political change. As will emerge through the chapter, the majority of NGOs performing these ‘acts’ continue to use the language of law in order to legitimise and sustain their activism, which further emphasises the ambiguous role of the law in the process
Given the centrality of labour in migrant worker NGOs’ work, why not simply understand their involvement in countering social injustice as labour activism? Indeed, a great proportion of the existing studies would label these organisations’ work as part of a wider labour movement, primarily linked to the rise of working-class consciousness among migrant workers (Sun, 2014 ; Chan, 2012a ; Friedman and Lee, 2010 ; Chen and Yang, 2017 ; Froissart, 2018 ; Xu Y., 2013 ). But isn't the history of the working class a history of citizenship
killed in a new war. In other words, it supported Nazism but not through a typically fascist idealisation of warfare as manly. Gendered dynamics of postwar fascist activism After the Second World War, both women and men continued to play important roles in fascist groups, which were often glad for any level of committed activism. Men have typically been leaders of these organisations, and still are today
A manifesto for anti-racist scholar-activism Whilst this book has shown that there is no one way to engage in anti-racist scholar-activism, we have highlighted a number of themes that might be understood as broad, guiding principles. These ideas build on the tenets we set out in the Introduction as informing our vision of anti-racist scholar-activism, and they also inform our own praxes. More importantly, though, they are recurrent across the accounts of participants. In some ways, this chapter shares
6 New forms of republican (in)activism: éirígí and RNU There are two ways to be wrong about the Internet. One is to embrace cyberutopianism and treat the Internet as inherently democratizing. Just leave it alone, the argument goes, and the Internet will destroy dictatorships, undermine religious fundamentalism, and make up for failures of institutions.1 éirígí and RNU: guerrilla media, propaganda and the public sphere Situating republican activism within the structural confines of the public sphere and counterpublic structures allows us to conceptualize and
and Schuster and the medicalisation of society coincided with the formation of transnational reformist networks and the internationalisation of the social question. 15 Hence, in this contribution we look at the social activism of medical doctors and hygienists in a twofold manner: first, as part of scientific and intellectual movements from which emerges the
Chapter 6 Reflections for activism The power of capital lies not so much in its repressive apparatus (immense though it is), but rather in its ability to terrorise us with our lack of capacity to organise the reproduction of our lives outside of its structures. (Caffentzis 2009, p. 26) The future of humanity depends now on our being able to bring to life within the old, rotten and increasingly violent capitalism, flashes, intimations, anticipations, fragments of the world of dignity that we want to create. (Holloway 2009, p. xvii) And so to the final chapter