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Rebecca Pates and Julia Leser

collective bodies’. 13 That is, affects form connections between different elements ‘by sticking figures together’. 14 In this understanding, wolves are not a threat initially, but the politics of fear invested in the ‘wolf problem’ is a product of the properties and political functions of fear, or in the words of Sara Ahmed: its circulation and its ‘stickiness’. Affective politics of the German far right and its underlying narratives Thus, affects are not a natural response to obvious threats, but are politically and socially manufactured. In particular, the

in The wolves are coming back
Editor’s Introduction
Juliano Fiori

humanitarian agencies, the political currency of liberal humanitarianism and its institutions has steadily waned. In recent years, liberal order has been flagrantly challenged by a visceral and affective politics, produced by globalisation itself. Global income inequality increased significantly with the acceleration of globalisation following the end of the Cold War: from a Gini coefficient of 0.57 to one of 0.72, between 1988 and 2005 ( Anand and Segal, 2014: 968 ). Then, following the 2008 financial crash, capital doubled down. While those most

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
The affective politics of the early Frankfurt School
Author: Simon Mussell

This book offers a unique and timely reading of the early Frankfurt School in response to the recent 'affective turn' within the arts and humanities. It revisits some of the founding tenets of critical theory in the context of the establishment of the Institute for Social Research in the early twentieth century. The book focuses on the work of Walter Benjamin, whose varied engagements with the subject of melancholia prove to be far more mobile and complex than traditional accounts. It also looks at how an affective politics underpins critical theory's engagement with the world of objects, exploring the affective politics of hope. Situating the affective turn and the new materialisms within a wider context of the 'post-critical', it explains how critical theory, in its originary form, is primarily associated with the work of the Frankfurt School. The book presents an analysis of Theodor Adorno's form of social critique and 'conscious unhappiness', that is, a wilful rejection of any privatized or individualized notion of happiness in favour of a militant and political discontent. A note on the timely reconstruction of early critical theory's own engagements with the object world via aesthetics and mimesis follows. The post-Cold War triumphalism of many on the right, accompanied by claims of the 'end of history', created a sense of fearlessness, righteousness, and unfettered optimism. The book notes how political realism has become the dominant paradigm, banishing utopian impulses and diminishing political hopes to the most myopic of visions.

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The Queen Caroline agitation of 1820
Matthew Roberts

over an extra-parliamentary movement for democratic and social rights. During the two peaks of mass mobilisation in the 1810s and 1840s (two peaks which mark the chronological boundaries of this study), radical leaders spoke for hundreds of thousands and eventually millions of working-class men and women. This book explores the affective politics of key radical leaders in the first half of the nineteenth

in Democratic Passions
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Once more, with feeling
Simon Mussell

of capitalist social relations, critical theory refuses to privatize the notion of happiness and in so doing aligns itself with the (negative) truth-​content of unhappiness –​the bad that cannot be made good. Chapter  3 looks at how an affective politics underpins critical theory’s engagement with the world of objects. The chapter begins by outlining the recent upsurge in theoretical writing on objects/​things, especially within the much-​touted field of ‘object-​oriented ontology’ or ‘speculative realism’. After drawing attention to the major social and political

in Critical theory and feeling
Matthew Roberts

befitted someone who operated in the tradition of transcendent Jacobinism, Carlile’s affective politics cut across the public–private divide as well as national boundaries in his quest for a politics of pure reason unsullied with feeling. He was conscious of the way in which political and religious authorities legitimated their hegemony by enslaving the mind as a way of enslaving the body. Carlile

in Democratic Passions
Matthew Roberts

in popular movements around issues such as mobilisation, building identity and resisting enemies. At the same time, the expression of these feelings was carefully controlled. By the time that O’Connell had become the most hated figure in British popular politics, the Chartists were careful to distance themselves from their portrait of O’Connell’s affective politics, which they went out of their way

in Democratic Passions
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Matthew Roberts

rebuff that underlines the significance of feeling in the political culture of the period. But as this apparent paradox reveals, claims to political rationality are themselves forms of affective politics as we have seen with ascetic radicalism. While hate and anger might be beyond the affective pale, righteous indignation was not only acceptable but called for in certain situations. Even Carlile

in Democratic Passions
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Richard Oastler and Tory-radical feeling
Matthew Roberts

This and the next chapter serve as a sustained counterpoint to ascetic radicalism by shifting the focus to the second of the two forms of affective politics which characterised popular radicalism – sentimentalism. The present chapter re-examines the relationship between Richard Oastler, the ‘Factory King’, and his northern working-class supporters in the 1830s and early

in Democratic Passions
Thibaut Raboin

dependent on (1) a collective affective disposition towards the suffering subjects and (2) a foreseeable solution aimed at reparation. There are two main complexes of affect that are central to the social problem: on the one hand around claimants’ suffering and liberal queers’ compassion; and on the other hand around happiness and longing for a better life in the UK. I will investigate the first in this chapter, and the second in Chapter 5. In these two chapters I argue that in the affective politics of LGBT asylum, examining the production of queer liberalism is

in Discourses on LGBT asylum in the UK