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Himani Bannerji

stated legal purpose and in effect provided a set of norms and forms for the society to adhere to. 4 This was particularly effective with the rising Bengali middle classes, who were formed in the terrain of colonial rule. One such law, perhaps the most hegemonically charged, is the Age of Consent Act of 1891. This chapter explores this act’s ideologically hegemonic dimensions with respect to the

in Gender and imperialism
Donnacha Ó Beacháin

7 The age of consent, 1992–2018 Albert Reynolds’s strategy for a peace process On becoming Taoiseach, Albert Reynolds was a few months shy of his sixtieth birthday. A self-made businessman, he had come relatively late to national politics, being forty-four years old when elected in 1977 as part of Fianna Fáil’s landslide majority. His intimate role as a member of the ‘Gang of Five’ that helped dislodge Jack Lynch in favour of Charles Haughey paid dividends; he was immediately promoted to ministerial rank after Haughey’s election in December 1979, and by 1988 he

in From Partition to Brexit
The ‘Manly Englishman’ and the ‘Effeminate Bengali’ in the Late Nineteenth Century
Author: Mrinalini Sinha

This book is about the processes and practices through which two differently positioned elites, among the colonisers and the colonised, were constituted respectively as the 'manly Englishman' and the 'effeminate Bengali'. It argues that the emerging dynamics between colonial and nationalist politics in the 1880s and 1890s in India is best captured in the logic of colonial masculinity. The figures of the 'manly Englishman' and the 'effeminate Bengali' were thus constituted in relation to colonial Indian society as well as to some aspects of late nineteenth-century British society. These aspects of late nineteenth-century British society are the emergence of the 'New Woman', the 'remaking of the working class', the legacy of 'internal colonialism', and the anti-feminist backlash of the 1880s and 1890s. A sustained focus on the imperial constitution of colonial masculinity, therefore, serves also to refine the standard historical scholarship on nineteenth-century British masculinity. The book traces the impact of colonial masculinity in four specific controversies: the 'white mutiny' against the Ilbert Bill in 1883, the official government response to the Native Volunteer movement in 1885, the recommendations of the Public Service Commission of 1886, and the Indian opposition to the Age of Consent Bill in 1891. In this book, the author situates the analysis very specifically in the context of an imperial social formation. In doing so, the author examines colonial masculinity not only in the context of social forces within India, but also as framed by and framing political, economic, and ideological shifts in Britain.

A Postcolonial Geography
Author: Richard Philips

The operation of the British model of imperialism was never consistent, seldom coherent, and far from comprehensive. Purity campaigns, controversies about the age of consent, the regulation of prostitution and passage and repeal of contagious diseases laws, as well as a new legislative awareness of homosexuality, were all part of the sexual currency of the late Victorian age. Colonial governments, institutions and companies recognised that in many ways the effective operation of the Empire depended upon sexual arrangements. They devised elaborate systems of sexual governance, but also devoted disproportionate energy to marking and policing the sexual margins. This book not only investigates controversies surrounding prostitution, homosexuality and the age of consent in the British Empire, but also revolutionises people's notions about the importance of sex as a nexus of imperial power relations. The derivative hypothesis, which reads colonial sexuality politics as something England did or gave to its colonies, is illustrated and made explicit by the Indian Spectator, which seemed simply to accept that India should follow English precedent. In 1885, the South Australian parliament passed legislation, similar to England's Criminal Law Amendment Act, which raised the age of consent from 13 to 16 and introduced a series of restrictions and regulations on sexual conduct. Richard Francis Burton's case against the moral universalism and sex between men are discussed. 'Cognitively mapping' sexuality politics, the book has traced connections between people, places and politics, exploring both their dangers and opportunities, which revolve in each case around embroilments in global power.

Editor: Clare Midgley

Gender history is more than the recovery of women's pasts and inclusion of female experiences into history. This book brings together two traditionally separate areas of historical literature: writings on women and gender on the one hand, and scholarship on British imperialism and colonialism on the other. It marks an important new intervention into a vibrant area of scholarship, creating a dialogue between the histories of imperialism and of women and gender. By engaging critically with both traditional British imperial history and colonial discourse analysis, the book demonstrates how feminist historians can play a central role in creating new histories of British imperialism. The first part of the book offers new perspectives on the nature of British imperial power through exploring the gender dimensions of the imposition of British control. It discusses study of the age of consent, body of scholarship, and British women missionaries in India. The second part talks about the gender dimensions of a spectrum of reactions to British imperialism. The focus is on colonising women and the colonized women. The third part switches from colonial contexts to explore the impact of imperialism within Britain itself. It presents both the anti-slavery discourse constructed by women anti-slavery campaigners and the 'triple discourse' of anti-slavery in early feminist tracts of 1790 to 1869 as marking key roots of the 'imperial feminism'. Finally, the inter-war period is explored focusing on the under-researched area of white women's involvement in imperial politics and race issues.

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Australian activists on the age of consent and prostitution
Richard Philips

, essential or stable definition of or vision for imperialism. Both complications conspire to render sexuality politics politically ambiguous. For example, some would say the increased age of consent in India or Australia buttressed and legitimated English hegemony by universalising English laws and ethics and by variously drawing people away from pre-colonial affiliations and producing the socio-sexual building-blocks of a new colonial order. Others, however, would say that the increased age of consent weakened Britain’s imperial

in Sex, politics and empire
The age of consent in India
Richard Philips

Many patterns in the imperial map of regulation and resistance, including changes to laws such as the age of consent, appear to suggest that initiatives spread outwards from England to other parts of the Empire, colonies following precedents through voluntary imitation (by responsible or other forms of semi-autonomous colonial government) or imposition (where more direct systems of government were in place). Recall, for example, that the age was raised from 13 to 16 in England and Wales in 1885, a rise that was

in Sex, politics and empire
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Social liberalism and traditionalism
Richard Hayton

rights. In this respect, Hague could point to his own record as having voted to equalise the age of consent at sixteen for homosexual and heterosexual acts. He also sent a message of support to a Gay Pride event and publicly rebuked members of the ‘old guard’ such as Norman Tebbit who criticised his stance on homosexual rights and multiculturalism. In his first conference speech as leader, Hague noted his wish to lead ‘a new, united, inclusive, democratic, de-centralised, and open party’. He spoke of his desire to articulate ‘an open conservatism, that is tolerant

in Reconstructing conservatism?
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Mrinalini Sinha

Volunteer movement in 1885, the recommendations of the Public Service Commission of 1886, and the Indian opposition to the Age of Consent Bill in 1891. The argument of the book proceeds from two basic assumptions. The first is that the categories of the coloniser and colonised are not fixed or self-evident categories. 1 Although these categories may appear to have represented ‘natural’ differences of race or

in Colonial masculinity

From Partition to Brexit is the first book to chart the political and ideological evolution of Irish government policy towards Northern Ireland from the partition of the country in 1921 to the present day. Based on extensive original research, this groundbreaking work assesses the achievements and failures of successive Dublin administrations, evaluating the obstacles faced and the strategies used to overcome them. Challenging the idea that Dublin has pursued a consistent set of objectives and policies towards Northern Ireland, this timely study reveals a dynamic story of changing priorities. The picture that emerges is one of complex and sometimes contradictory processes underpinning the Irish Government’s approach to the conflict.

Drawing on extensive archival research and interviews, the author explores and explains the gap between the rhetorical objective of Irish unity and actual priorities, such as stability within Northern Ireland and the security of the Irish state. The book explains why attempts during the 1990s to manage the conflict in Northern Ireland ultimately proved successful when previous efforts had foundered. Identifying key evolutionary trends, From Partition to Brexit demonstrates how in its relations with the British Government, Dublin has been transformed from spurned supplicant to vital partner in determining Northern Ireland’s future, a partnership jeopardised by Britain’s decision to leave the European Union.

Informed, robust and innovative, From Partition to Brexit is essential reading for anyone interested in Irish or British history and politics, and will appeal to students of diplomacy, international relations and conflict studies.