Medieval Europe was a predominantly agrarian society. Although the extent to which manorialism existed within medieval Ireland has been debated, pre-modern Ireland’s economy was nevertheless dominated by agriculture. This chapter identifies what specific kinds of agriculture occurred at tower houses. The distribution and roles of arable, pastoral and mixed agricultural economies are considered. An underappreciated evidence source for tower house control of the historical agrarian economy are water mills, found here to be a manorial feature often located in conjunction with tower houses.
8 Agrarian turmoil and the activation of mass mobility The road to emigration The search for the deepest roots of modern international migration leads back inexorably to late eighteenth-century Europe and, most generically, to the British Isles. The case depends on the weight and impressions derived from contemporary evidence, but the lines of causation are faint. The beginnings of modern mobility were essentially rural – the origins are found in country cottages and villages, and along the very long and tortuous paths which, for a minority, led to the
, these protests reflect the massive agrarian distress being experienced by the farming community across the country. They symbolise in many different ways the sense of non-viability, even the death of farming as a livelihood. Despite these escalating protests, and an anticipation of rural consolidation against the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi in the 2019 parliamentary election, this did not happen. In this short chapter, I seek to explain this puzzle of why farmer dissatisfaction did not convert into an electoral
that keeps a country vulnerable to humanitarian crisis, by continuing to stymie the provision of public goods or perpetuating exploitative political economies. For example, in the Sudanese case peace agreements have led to the extension of agrarian capitalism into areas of smallholder farming ( Gallopin et al. , 2021 ); in Syria it is leading post-conflict reconstruction contracts that undermine livelihoods ( Kanfash, 2021 ). Another feature to
This book analyses the contemporary politics of the nation states of Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden and the Home Rule territories of Greenland, Faeroes and Åland that together make up the Nordic region. It covers Scandinavia past and present, parties in developmental perspective, the Scandinavian party system model, the Nordic model of government, the Nordic welfare model, legislative-executive relations in the region, and the changing security environment. The Nordic states have a shared history, common linguistic bonds and a common state Lutheran religion. Of the six Scandinavian languages, Danish, Norwegian and Swedish are mutually intelligible, whilst Swedish is an official national language in Finland. Turning to a brief overview of nation-building and state-building in the Nordic region, an obvious distinction can be drawn between those 'stateless nations' which went on to achieve statehood and the territories that have not achieved independence. The book presents a brief chronology of events in Norden up to 1922, when Åland achieved autonomy. In Sweden the historic phase of party-building produced a basic two-plus-three configuration and a party system based on five 'isms': communism, social democracy, agrarianism, liberalism and conservatism. By 1930 there was a bifurcated parliamentary left and a fragmented nonsocialist bloc consisting of essentially town-based Liberal and Conservative parties and a farmer-based Agrarian Party. Whilst acknowledging the limitations inherent in the periodisation of party system change, the book focuses on the extent of party system change since the 'earthquake elections' of 1970-73.
The question of cattle has been ignored not just by scholars working on agrarian conditions, but also by historians of medicine in India. This book is the first full-length monograph that examines the history of colonial medicine in India from the perspective of veterinary health. It not only fills this gap, but also provides fresh perspectives and insights that might challenge existing arguments. The book explores a range of themes such as famines, urbanisation, middle-class attitudes, caste formations etc. One of the most striking features of veterinary administration was its preoccupation with the health of horses and military animals until the end of the nineteenth century. Examining veterinary records, it becomes evident that colonial officials were much less imbued with the 'white man's burden' when it came to preserving indigenous cattle stock. The book shows that the question of finances could influence areas such as laboratory research, as is evident in the operations of the Imperial Bacteriological Laboratory. In its account on famines and cattle mortality, it highlights the meagreness and ineffectiveness of relief measures. The book then examines the question of caste identities, especially that of the Chamars (popularly known as leatherworkers). It also explores the process whereby stereotypes regarding caste groups were formed, inspecting how they came to be crystallised over time. A central concern of the book is to study the nature, priorities, and guiding principles of the colonial state. Finally, the book adopts a long-term perspective, choosing to study a rather long chronological period.
and expansion of the agitation was influenced by local personalities.While much has been written on the contributions of James Daly, Michael Davitt and others, it is unfortunate that the role of other influential individuals has been largely ignored or marginalized.1 One of the most forgotten personalities of the Land League period is Matthew Harris whose contribution to Irish history has not been properly acknowledged, but who nonetheless played a crucially important role in involving the Fenian movement in agrarian agitation in the west of Ireland. Harris, who was
particular about the relative electoral strengths of the party families. Accordingly, this chapter seeks to identify and explain the varying strengths of the main party types at the polls. Four prominent features are emphasised: 1 the electoral supremacy of social democracy in Denmark, Norway and most notably Sweden; 2 the strength and resilience of agrarianism in Finland; 3 the strength of the radical left in Finland and Iceland; 4 the merger of liberalism and conservatism as a catch-all centre-right in Iceland. The electoral supremacy of social democracy in Denmark
economic growth and development have not exactly followed the familiar lines of industrialisation, de-industrialisation, and suburbanisation as in the case of Europe and North America. In the Global South, for instance, the rural and the agrarian do not represent a spatially or temporally distant past, or a faraway hinterland that is waiting to be encroached upon or assimilated. 7