Allegiance and government, 1643–60
s we have seen, the 1640s and 1650s saw the state’s appropriation of
the physical and symbolic spaces and buildings of Westminster. But
Westminster was more than an agglomeration of nationally important edifices.
It was one of the most populous towns in the country, but also one of the
most idiosyncratic in its institutions and structures of government, with no
lord mayor or institutions with overall executive authority or law-making
powers. Various institutions played a role in the government of the town,
Divided allegiance: 1189–99
number of factors combine to deprive us of sources for the history
of the Lacy family for the period following Hugh de Lacy’s death.
The minority of Hugh’s son and heir, Walter, presents the first problem.
It had taken quite some time and an ambitious venture in Ireland for contemporary writers to take notice of Hugh de Lacy, and, just when he had
become a regular object of their attention, his unexpected death delivered
his inheritance into wardship. The magisterial figure who could rival
Ruaidrí Ua Conchobair, high king of
This book examines the varied and fascinating ways in which the series of non-monarchical regimes of England’s civil wars and interregnum interacted with the unique locality and community of Westminster. Westminster (as opposed to London) was traditionally viewed as the ‘royal’ city – the site of Whitehall Palace and the royal courts of justice, its Abbey reputed to be the ‘house of kings’, and its inhabitants assumed to be instinctive followers of the monarch and the royal court. Westminster emerges in this study as a site of extraordinary ambiguities and juxtapositions. The promoters of vigorous moral reformation and a sustained and often intrusive military presence coexisted uneasily with the area’s distinctive forms of elite sociability and luxury. The state’s foremost godly preachers performed in close proximity to royalist churchmen. More generally, the forces of political, religious and cultural conservatism can be observed on the very doorstep of parliament and non-monarchical regimes. Yet for Westminster as a whole, this was the time when the locality became tied to the state more tightly than ever before, while at key moments the town’s distinctive geography and local government played a significant role in shaping the political crises of the period. Chapters analyse the crisis of 1640-42, the use of Westminster’s iconic buildings and spaces by the non-monarchical regimes, the sustained military occupation of the locality, the problems of political allegiance and local government, the religious divisions and practices of the period, and the problematic revival of fashionable society in a time of political tension.
The brothers Emile and Isaac Pereire were among the descendants of the Spanish conversos and Portuguese refugees from auto da fe. They were to become pivotal and sensational figures in nineteenth-century France, their lives and careers a lens through which to re-examine its history. In their relationship to Judaism, in their Saint-Simonianism, their socialism, their partnership, their business practices, their political allegiance, they have been subjects of criticism, comment and analysis by historians and others for over 150 years. This book uses the lives of these individuals to re-examine the history of France in the nineteenth century. It first deals with the 'making' of their grandsons, two Jewish boys born after the Revolution into the close-knit Sephardic community of Bordeaux. Then, it shows how, through Saint-Simonianism, Emile and Isaac Pereire found their vocation as railway entrepreneurs. The economic and financial reforms advocated by Saint-Simon and his followers came to be realised with the coming of rail to France. The book deals with the stage of railway development in France which followed the inauguration of the Paris-St-Germain (PSG) line, the hesitant administrative arrangements, and the insufficiency of investment capital to finance railway development. Next, it addresses the roles and methods of Emile and Isaac Pereire and of their family in what they treated as 'a family business'.
Sciarrha's unruly passions are brought into collision with socio-political bonds that maintain social order: the bond of allegiance to a monarch voiced by Amidea and the bond between host and guest in the demands of aristocratic hospitality raised by Florio. Amidea's argument that Sciarrha owes allegiance to the Duke, however tyrannous he may be, and will bring dishonour to their family name forever in killing him under their roof, relies on political philosophy that makes the monarch unconditionally sovereign through divine right. This kind of argument is made in
conscience was thus a sin. In Reformed countries, both civil laws made
by and oaths of allegiance sworn to lawful authorities were binding in
conscience, so that the nature of political choices taken by persons
would affect their soul. 8
During the Civil Wars, changes of
political and religious allegiance had caused a number of
‘cases’ of conscience, so that an increasing number of
sovereign of her captor hosts.
The combined household was characterised by competing allegiances,
conspicuous consumption of limited resources, depleting wealth and, unsurprisingly, tense interpersonal relations. Whereas Shrewsbury and Mary were forced
to cohabit, Bess was increasingly alienated from her husband. Mary was not
the only point of contention, however. From the summer of 1583 onwards,
the earl and countess of Shrewsbury mainly lived apart, heading separate
households and locked in rivalry for local dominance and wider reputation.
Their respective servants were
Party management and legitimacy breakdown in the Labour Party
This chapter has opted for a narrower definition, focusing on party management as a leadership function whose prime object is to regulate internal
conflict and foster party cohesion, to maintain the allegiance of members and
to maximise decisional efficacy, that is, the capacity to take prompt decisions
in response to internal demands and external challenges (Eckstein and Gurr,
1975: 445, 453). Cohesion here is the central organising concept, best defined
as ‘the extent to which, in a given situation, group members can be observed
to work together
’s personal life was complicated, and her own status as a
long-time committed adulteress no doubt influenced her conception and articulation of love as an emotion that was in some senses
The Judas kiss
always endured in the shadow of betrayal. At the same time, many
critics have speculated on the extent to which Bowen’s aesthetic
concerns were influenced by her Anglo-Irish condition: born and
raised in an Ireland she professed to love deeply, she nevertheless
felt a strong allegiance to Britain and British culture. This internal
conflict was accentuated during the
a full range of positions. A Leeds United fan, Mike, was firmly on the English side: ‘I am definitely going to be supporting England – I am English, after all.’ To ascertain the strength of his Jewish identity he added: ‘if Israel were playing any other team apart from England, then I’d support them.’ Yet, many other Jews, interviewed in the newspaper, backed Israel and wished them victory, although to explain their allegiances they used contrasting models of Jewish ‘self’. Simon of Leeds supported Israel because he saw it as a home country for all Jews: ‘I am