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Catholics and antisemitism in Germany and England, 1918–1945
Author: Ulrike Ehret

This book compares the worldviews and factors that promoted or, indeed, opposed anti-semitism amongst Catholics in Germany and England after the First World War. As a prequel to books on Hitler, fascism and genocide, it turns towards ideas and attitudes that preceded and shaped the ideologies of the 1920s and 1940s. Apart from the long tradition of Catholic anti-Jewish prejudices, the book discusses new and old alternatives to European modernity offered by Catholics in Germany and England. Numerous events in the interwar years provoked anti-Jewish responses among Catholics: the revolutionary end of the war and financial scandals in Germany; Palestine and the Spanish Civil War in England. At the same time, the rise of fascism and National Socialism gave Catholics the opportunity to respond to the anti-democratic and anti-semitic waves these movements created in their wake. The book is a political history of ideas that introduces Catholic views of modern society, race, nation and the ‘Jewish question’. It shows to what extent these views were able to inform political and social activity.

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Ulrike Ehret

. Historiography on Catholic antisemitism has taken considerable care to distinguish anti-Judaism from modern antisemitism, acknowledging a religious hostility towards Jews, but rejecting a racial determination of the Jews. It has been obvious throughout this book that religious and modern anti-Jewish prejudices cannot be cleanly 07-ChurchNationRace_271-280 280 28/11/11 14:46 Page 280 Church, nation and race separated from each other, and neither were religious and racial concepts of the Jews an irreconcilable paradox. The Catholic defence against Rosenberg, for instance

in Church, nation and race
Ulrike Ehret

anti-democratic rhetoric ebbed away between 1924 and 1931 (even though it continued in the Gelben Hefte), it reemerged in 1932 as a serious discussion about the advantages of an authoritarian government. The characteristics of anti-Jewish prejudices in the English and German Catholic press were largely similar, especially in their 02-ChurchNationRace_036-093 74 28/11/11 14:40 Page 74 Church, nation and race emphasis on ‘Jewish Bolshevism’. The differences are few but significant. The discussion of the ‘Jewish question’ was considerably more ‘modern’ in the

in Church, nation and race
On the return of the Jewish question

Universalism has acted as a stimulus for Jewish emancipation, that is, for civil, political and social inclusion. It has also been a source of anti-Jewish prejudice up to and beyond the classic antisemitism of the modern period. While the experience of Jews is by no means unique in this respect, one of the peculiarities of the 'anti-Judaic' tradition has been to represent Jews in some important regard as the 'other' of the universal: as the personification either of a particularism opposed to the universal, or of a false universalism concealing Jewish self-interest. The former contrasts the particularism of the Jews to the universality of bourgeois civil society. The latter contrasts the bad universalism of the 'rootless cosmopolitan Jew' to the good universalism of whatever universal is advanced: nation, race or class. This book explores debates over Jewish emancipation within the eighteenth-century Enlightenment, contrasting the work of two leading protagonists of Jewish emancipation: Christian von Dohm and Moses Mendelssohn. It discusses the emancipatory power of Karl Marx's critique of Bruno Bauer's opposition to Jewish emancipation and endorsement of The Jewish Question. Marxist debates over the growth of anti-Semitism; Hannah Arendt's critique of three types of Jewish responsiveness--assimilationism, Zionism and cosmopolitanism-- to anti-Semitism; and the endeavours of a leading postwar critical theorist, Jurgen Habermas are also discussed. Finally, the book focuses its critique on left antizionists who threaten to reinstate the Jewish question when they identify Israel and Zionism as the enemies of universalism.

Robert Fine and Philip Spencer

part at their anti-Jewish prejudices and more especially at the political and intellectual limitations of which these prejudices were symptomatic. These critiques indicate how actively and purposefully Marx and Engels confronted anti-Judaic and antisemitic currents running through the ‘left’. When we turn to the apologetic view of Marx's relation to antisemitism, we find that it is no better grounded. The proposition that Marx's thinking was universalistic and

in Antisemitism and the left
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Aspects of the ‘triangular’ relations between Europeans, Muslims and Jews
Amikam Nachmani

about Jews, anti-Jewish prejudice among Muslim students was 55 per cent. An earlier survey in 2006 showed a similar segmentation: 5 per cent of Swedes harboured anti-Semitic views in comparison to 39 per cent of Muslims who then lived in Sweden.24 Malmö, Sweden’s third-largest city, is one of the most unsettling places in Europe for Jews. Anti-Semitic attacks tripled between 2010 and 2012, when the Jewish community there recorded 60 incidents, including the bombing of the Jewish community centre in October 2012. Malmö is a ‘prime example’ of where hatred of Israel is

in Haunted presents
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Michael Carter-Sinclair

politicians and activists. It was dressed up in the language of bourgeois values and described as ‘common sense,’ not prejudice. The antisemites who spread this prejudice may not always have wished for the brutal and boundless antisemitic violence that erupted in German-speaking Europe in the 1920s and 1930s, but they prepared the way for its arrival, and nowhere can this be seen more clearly than in the city of Vienna, which witnessed a major eruption of antisemitic savagery in the spring of 1938. This was one consequence of decades of anti-Jewish prejudice, directed

in Vienna’s ‘respectable’ antisemites
Open Access (free)
Universalism and the Jewish question
Robert Fine and Philip Spencer

, in this sense, deeply and mutually imbricated. Jewish experiences of universalism have been correspondingly equivocal. Universalism has acted as a stimulus for Jewish emancipation, that is, for civil, political and social inclusion; it has also been a source (though by no means the only source) of anti-Jewish prejudice up to and beyond the classic antisemitism of the modern period. While the experience of Jews is by no means unique in this respect, one of the

in Antisemitism and the left
Ulrike Ehret

. 98. Catholic Times, 3 January 1920, p. 6; Catholic Herald, 24 July 1926, p. 8. Geoffrey Field remarks that the image of the ‘Jewish financier’ was at the centre of anti-Jewish prejudices in England before the turn of the century. In the early twentieth century, however, animosities shifted to ‘Jewish communism’ and found their focus in the figure of the ‘Jewish Bolshevik’ after the Russian Revolution. Geoffrey Field, ‘Antisemitism with the Boots off’, in Hostages of Modernisation, 1870–1933/39, ed. by Herbert A Strauss, 2 vols, Berlin, 1992–93, I, 294–325, pp. 298

in Church, nation and race
Thomas Linehan

, the historian should seek to take account of the ideological underpinning of BUF anti-semitism, the socio-economic backdrop to the conflict, the interactionist context, images or ‘representations’ of the Jew in domestic culture and society, and the Mosleyite manipulation of these cultural and historical anti-Jewish prejudices. We should also take due account of some of the more recent research, which provides us with a more accurate insight into the character of anti-semitism emanating from the BUF’s leadership, particularly Oswald Mosley. Here, once again, the

in British Fascism 1918-39