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At the heart of the modern world order, one that has for the most part been shaped and maintained by the United States, lies a paradox between empire and anti-imperialism, and at the heart of that paradox sits the enigmatic figure of President Franklin D. Roosevelt. FDR was both a champion of decolonization and an architect of empire. While president of the United States, particularly
with them, notably Bertrand Russell and Jean-Paul Sartre, put up the International War Crimes Tribunal in 1966. Genocide in a third world conflict had thus already been widely discussed – but mainly within a leftist counter public, and part as a dominant paradigm of anti-imperialism. Imperialism created genocides, and this was hence the main issue from this perspective ( Kalter, 2016 ). What was new about Biafra was that international mainstream media, like The Times or Der Spiegel
Film in Korea has always been under governmental censorship. This book examines the ways in which Korean film reveals the ideological orientation of the society in which it is created and circulated. It examines the social and political milieu in which the Korean film industry developed from its beginning during the Japanese colonial period to its bifurcation into South and North Korean cinemas. The book presents a critical analysis of the selected films, which were all made between 1960 and 1990. It discusses the cultural identity of contemporary Koreans by analysing five films based on a popular traditional folk tale, Ch'unhyangjŏn. Three of the five films were made in South Korea: Shin Sangok's Song Ch'unhyang, Pak T'ae-wŏn's The Tale of Song Ch'unhyang and Han Sanghun's SongCh'unhyang. The significance of gender and class issues in Ch'unhyangjŏn can be glimpsed through the three variants of the film title. The book then examines the notion of nationhood held by contemporary Koreans from two interrelated perspectives, political and cultural. It explores the films in relation to the conflicting ideological orientations of North and South Korea. In the North Korean films, anti-imperialism constitutes the core of their definition of nationhood. Class is one of the foremost factors in the formation of cultural identities of contemporary Koreans living as a divided nation. The book discusses six films in this context: The Untrodden Path, The Brigade Commander's Former Superior, Bellflower, A Nice Windy Day, Kuro Arirang and Black Republic.
This book explores the influence of imperialism in the landscapes of modern European cities including London, Paris, Rome, Vienna, Marseilles, Glasgow and Seville. The first part considers some ways in which the design of urban landscapes articulated competing visions of the imperial city, including large-scale planning and architectural schemes, urban design and public monuments. The final shape of the Queen Victoria Memorial in London suggests an oddly tenuous relationship between the creation of imperial space and the representation of the empire itself. The notions of empire and romanità are expressed through the location, styling and form of the Vittoriano in Rome. The second part of the book considers the role of various forms of visual display, including spectacular pageants, imperial exhibitions and suburban gardens, in the cultural life of metropolitan imperialism. The material transformation of Paris with rhetorical devices reveals a deep-seated ambiguity about just how 'imperial' Paris wanted to appear. Sydenham Crystal Palace housed the Ethnological and Natural History Department, and its displays brought together animals, plants and human figures from various areas of the globe. The largest part of imperial Vienna's tourist traffic came from within the Austrian lands of the empire. The last part of the book is primarily concerned with the associations between imperial identities and the history of urban space in a variety of European cities. The book considers the changing cultural and political identities in the imperial city, looking particularly at nationalism, masculinity and anti-imperialism.
learnt from the ‘scramble’? Reform and modernisation, or Westernisation to be more precise, did not save China from being a sitting duck for foreign aggression. Instead, it seems that the more reforms the Qing regime undertook, the more ‘scrambling’ and humiliation it suffered. Britain had waged two wars on China and extracted privileges with treaties. This set the standard for the French, the Japanese, the Germans and the Russians as they all came to claim their shares in the Chinese theatre of the Great Game. Anti-imperialism would become a most effective political
in availability. Therefore, contents and aesthetic merits were the main criteria for selecting the three South Korean films. This chapter is organised in two sections. The first section examines the films in relation to the conflicting ideological orientations of North and South Korea. In the North Korean films, anti-imperialism constitutes the core of their definition of nationhood. Two specific
epochal event (little regarded at the time), within the larger anti-imperialist movement in which it was embedded. 2 That movement was not monolithic but contained contradictory impulses which were mirrored in the variety of anti-imperialisms articulated at the conference itself. If London in 1900 was the great imperial metropolis, it was also a nexus of anti-imperialisms. London’s turn-of-the-century anti-imperialists were mainly Britishborn, but also came from Ireland, South Asia, the West Indies and Africa
linked its radical nationalism to qualified anti-imperialism and mounted a fierce critique of the Right. It responded to the latter’s charges of disloyalty and extremism by claiming that it was the party of ‘true Australianism’ in opposition to the ‘Imperialism’ and ‘bogus’ nationalism and loyalism of the ‘Nationalists’. Moreover, the latter were seen as raising false charges against the labour movement in order to mask their ‘real’ purpose of imposing ‘Prussianistic Imperialism’ upon Australia. This comprised
. Both engaged with the emerging social sciences to develop theories that would explain how wars arose and what was needed to stop them. These explanations fell into four main groups: free trade and non-intervention; anti-statism and anti-imperialism; international law and arbitration; and radical social change, notably socialism and feminism. Free trade and non-intervention The association between trade and peace was established liberal opinion by the mid-eighteenth century. As early as 1748 Montesquieu wrote that ‘Peace is the natural effect of trade’, binding
Empire and the English Novel.indd 227 18/07/2011 11:14:37 228 en d of e m pi r e a n d t he engl i sh nov el si nce 1945 other editors, Tariq Ali in particular, over the specific commitment to national self-determination which defined the journal’s anti-imperialism. In explaining this moment, Halliday invokes a striking narrative: ‘About 20 years ago I said to Tariq that God, Allah, called the two of us to His presence and said to us, “One of you is to go to the left, and one of you is to go to the right.” The problem is, He didn’t tell us which was which, and