Search results

You are looking at 1 - 10 of 412 items for :

  • "anti-racism" x
  • Refine by access: All content x
Clear All
Chris Gilligan

5 Rethinking anti-racism We have highlighted some inconsistencies within the Race Relations approach. In the chapter on racism and sectarianism, for example, we noted the failure to extend the UK’s Race Relations Acts to Northern Ireland in the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s. We also pointed out the inconsistent approach to the place of religion in Race Relations theory and policy – treating anti-Semitism and Islamophobia as forms of racism, but excluding sectarianism in Northern Ireland. In the previous chapter we noted that the development of Race Relations policy

in Northern Ireland and the crisis of anti-racism
Screen and digital labour as resistance
Photini Vrikki
Sarita Malik
, and
Aditi Jaganathan

always foreground a politics of anti-racism. However, what we found in our discussions is that screen and digital cultural workers tell an important story about how different media spaces can be used by Black and Asian cultural practitioners to reimagine the lives, experiences and subjectivities of Black Britishness. In particular we underline the long history of cultural production led by Black and Asian people that takes place outside or on the margins of the creative and cultural industries (CCIs). We also point to ongoing discussions around how

in Creativity and resistance in a hostile world
Chris Gilligan

4 Anti-racism and disavowed racism The term racism is unambiguously a negative one, morally and politically. Sectarianism and other forms of racism are often referred to as evil. Anna Lo, MLA, for example, can often be heard describing racism and sectarianism as ‘twin evils of prejudice and intolerance’.1 In 2001 a report on racism commissioned by the Northern Ireland government concluded that ‘racist harassment is a particularly pernicious and evil part of society’.2 Racisms are commonly characterised as forms of extremism. The British MP Paul Murphy, when he

in Northern Ireland and the crisis of anti-racism
Rehana Ahmed

2 Anti-racism, liberalism and class in The Satanic Verses and the Rushdie affair Even in Europe and the United States, the stormtroopers of various ‘sensitivities’ seek to limit our freedom of speech. It has never been more important to continue to defend those values which make the art of literature possible. (Salman Rushdie1) It is surely not Muslims alone who oppose the libertarianism which sees the artist as a Nietzschean ubermensch, towering above conventional morality with perfect liberty to publish imaginative explorations regardless of social consequences

in Writing British Muslims
Satnam Virdee

11 Anti-racism and the socialist left, 1968–79 Satnam Virdee Part II Issues Anti-racism and the socialist left, 1968–79 A western European Left which does not seek to understand and then to tackle racism head-on is cutting its own throat. The loss of support from proletarian socialists who are sympathetic to racialist explanations  … is better than endless equivocation, denial and ineffective compromise on this issue. Dave Widgery1 In most histories of the New Left, 1968 is quite correctly identified as an important watershed, a turning point in the history

in Against the grain
Satnam Virdee
Brendan McGeever

on justice for all. Socialists used their newly acquired authority to begin shifting the unwieldy bureaucratic tanker that was the British labour movement towards anti-racism. This did not happen overnight but took several years of intense political activity. The first indications could be discerned by the early 1970s with the increase in the volume of speeches and motions tabled at large trade union

in Britain in fragments
Rethinking racism and sectarianism

Racism and sectarianism makes an important contribution to the discussion on the 'crisis of anti-racism' in the United Kingdom. Anti-racist theory and practice has been in crisis for more than a quarter of a century. The power of official anti-racism comes from its endorsement and institutionalisation by states in domestic and international law and in institutional practice. The book first explores whether sectarianism is racism, examining three different arguments in favour of treating racism and sectarianism as distinct phenomena. Exploring what is racism, the book examines through the prism of Race Relations theory and practice, because they constitute the dominant approach to tackling racism in the UK. The focus is on the conception of racism that underpins Race Relations policy and theory. The book agrees that the radical grassroots anti-racist movements of the 1960s and 1970s were important and that the relationship between racism and anti-racism is not straightforward. It considers the internationalisation of the Race Relations approach through the UN, and the incorporation of Race Relations into domestic UK policy. Further, the book challenges the idea that Race Relations theory is unproblematic. Anti-racisms as they actually existed in the process of historical change and development are examined. Human consciousness plays a crucial role in this process. Finally, the book explores the limitations of a Race Relations approach to harassment through a critical examination of the most recent innovation in official anti-racism, hate crime policy, which formally came into operation in Northern Ireland in September 2004.

Working in service to racial justice
Remi Joseph-Salisbury
Laura Connelly
, and
Aurelien Mondon

whom is our work useful? Through this frame, our praxis can be considered useful not if it serves the interests of the status quo (and/or the far right), but if it empowers communities of resistance and bolsters anti-racism. There are echoes here of what Richard Johnson ( 1993 : 19), writing on radical education, describes as really useful knowledge. As Johnson puts it, not usefulness as “a tool of social reproduction and a

in The ethics of researching the far right
Television drama and the politics and aesthetics of identity

This book poses the question as to whether, over the last thirty years, there have been signs of ‘progress’ or ‘progressiveness’ in the representation of ‘marginalised’ or subaltern identity categories within television drama in Britain and the US. In doing so, it interrogates some of the key assumptions concerning the relationship between aesthetics and the politics of identity that have influenced and informed television drama criticism during this period. The book functions as a textbook because it provides students with a pathway through complex, wide-reaching and highly influential interdisciplinary terrain. Yet its re-evaluation of some of the key concepts that dominated academic thought in the twentieth century also make it of interest to scholars and specialists. Chapters examine ideas around politics and aesthetics emerging from Marxist-socialism and postmodernism, feminism and postmodern feminism, anti-racism and postcolonialism, queer theory and theories of globalisation, so as to evaluate their impact on television criticism and on television as an institution. These discussions are consolidated through case studies that offer analyses of a range of television drama texts including Big Women, Ally McBeal, Supply and Demand, The Bill, Second Generation, Star Trek (Enterprise), Queer as Folk, Metrosexuality and The Murder of Stephen Lawrence.

The (invisible) whiteness of Soviet anti-colonialism and gender emancipation from Central Asia to Khartoum
Yulia Gradskova

, the Bolsheviks mainly followed the Russian imperial tradition in prescribing low morals and backward habits to those with darker skin and Asian eye shapes. 34 Anti-colonialism and anti-racism in the transnational advancement of women's rights (1940s–1950s) ‘Race’ and racial discrimination were never ‘seen’ or discussed in the context of the Soviet politics of ‘kulturnost’ (‘making cultured’/’cultivation’) and during the emancipation of minority women in

in Off white