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This book analyses British news media coverage of the 2003 invasion of Iraq. It describes the analytical framework that serves as the basis for theoretically informed and systematic analysis of wartime media performance. The book synthesises a range of models, hypotheses and explanatory variables to set out a framework composed of three models of news media performance: the elite-driven model, the independent model and the oppositional model. It provides three case studies which, in different ways, illuminate each model of news media performance in wartime. The three case studies include the case of Jessica Lynch, the case of Ali Abbas and the case of the anti-war movement. The book then presents an account of how the relationship between foreign policy, news media and war might be expected to operate, based on current theoretical understanding. In order to place British coverage of the invasion in context, the book offers brief summaries of the structure and character of Britain's television news services and its press. The book provides an analysis of the ways in which the news media's visual depictions of the war reinforced supportive coverage. It is devoted to documenting and analysing evidence for negotiated and oppositional coverage. The book also examines the representation of civilian casualties, military casualties and humanitarian operations across both television and press, three subject areas that generated a good deal of media criticism.
The recent emergence of global anti-capitalist and anti-war movements have created a space within which Marxism can flourish in a way as it has not been able to for a generation. This book shows that by disassociating Marxism from the legacy of Stalinism, Marxist historiography need not retreat before the criticisms from theorists and historians. It also shows that, once rid of this incubus, Marx's theory of history can be shown to be sophisticated, powerful and vibrant. The book argues that Marxism offers a unique basis to carry out a historical research, one that differentiates it from the twin failures of the traditional empiricist and the post-modernist approaches to historiography. It outlines Marx and Engels' theory of history and some of their attempts to actualise that approach in their historical studies. The book also offers a critical survey of debates on the application of Marx's concepts of 'mode of production' and 'relations of production' in an attempt to periodise history. Marxist debates on the perennial issue of structure and agency are considered in the book. Finally, the book discusses competing Marxist attempts to periodise the contemporary post-modern conjuncture, paying attention to the suggestion that the post-modern world is one that is characterised by the defeat of the socialist alternative to capitalism.
7 Case studies from the invasion of Iraq: Jessica Lynch, Ali Abbas and the anti-war movement Introduction Here we provide a focused analysis of three case studies, which serve to represent the three differing modes of news media performance in wartime, as well as shedding more light on the news-making process. The Jessica Lynch case study, involving the ‘dramatic’ rescue of a US ‘prisoner of war’, highlights just how compliant and deferential news media can be in wartime and can be viewed as an ‘ideal type’ example of supportive coverage. The case of Ali Abbas
religion back on the imperial map. She is, however, too concerned with Quakerism itself and only hints at the intersection between Quaker and Christian socialist political philosophy in 1900. She also exaggerates the role of Friends in the anti-war movement, at the expense of non-conformist – particularly Baptist and Unitarian – socialists. 11 The failure of the
their own government, and even argued that this was a ‘higher form of patriotism’.70 ‘Freely operating exchanges of scholars’ Professor of Political Science Henry Albinski (US Senior Scholar 1974) pointed out in his book on the impact of the war in Vietnam on Australian politics and foreign policy, that the Australian anti-​war movement ‘absorbed a disproportionately high number of 123 At war in Vietnam 123 educated and professional people … academic persons, members of the artistic community, and university students’.71 Members of this group, of course, were the
, or when referring to both.3 Within this expanding chronicle characteristic trajectories have gradually been defined from broader methodological and geographical perspectives.4 This chapter shows how, in the United States’ context, some of the most important strategies of conceptualism developed through the influence of contemporaneous politics, more specifically the transition from Civil Rights into Black Power, the New Left, the anti-war movement, feminism, and gay liberation, as well as what later came to be 1 28 The synthetic proposition collectively named
The Vietnam War posed significant challenges to academics on educational exchange who were expected under the Fulbright Program to be ambassadors as well as researchers. The CIA surveillance of the anti-war movement and political interference in the administration of the Fulbright Program from government caused academics in both Australia and America to defend the autonomy of the program. How did scholars interpret the ambassadorial expectation when they were opposed to their government’s foreign policy? Many also found they could not speak critically of their national government without antagonising their hosts. Living up to the Fulbright Program’s ideal of achieving ‘mutual understanding’ was very much a matter of learning by experience, to be interpreted by scholars for whom research was actually the priority.
outside. It would not be fair to single out Chomsky as the sole culprit for the indecencies that would characterise the so-called ‘anti-war’ movement in the years that followed: its open alliances with Khomeinist thugs, its Gaza flotilla escapades, its fundraising for Hamas, its serial betrayal of Afghan secularists and feminists and its rousing chorus of ‘we had it coming’ every time a psychopath shouted Allahu Akbar and went on a killing spree in London or Ottawa or Paris. But it is fair to notice that Chomsky would end up getting exactly what he wanted. Geras and
Hiroshima, usually crowded with anti-nuclear and hibakusha groups? What objectives, ideas and language did these disparate groups share? Were the encounters solely focused on the way of abolishing violence and war itself? Or were there other pressing Cold War issues that could serve as common ground among hibakusha and other Hiroshima activists and the visitors from afar? This chapter proposes ways to understand the anti-nuclear movement and the anti-war movement of the 1960s as part of related currents in Cold War discourse, by revealing the ideas and rhetoric that
became the symbol of the American anti-war movement, but contributed to the revival of the movement with a new wave of demonstrations across the United States and Europe.3 Equally recognisable is the image of a man stopping a tank, taken in Beijing in June 1989, which symbolised the Tiananmen Square protests and the subsequent massacre.4 Although all these pictures were taken in the era of television, and the last one especially owes its fame to a great extent to television broadcasting, it is the intrinsic qualities of the photographic medium, including its