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Volume 3 Management, mergers and fraud 1987–1993
Author: John Wilson

The final volume of this detailed history of Ferranti covers the last seven years of its operating existence, starting with the 1987 merger with ISC and culminating in a humiliating demise consequent upon GEC’s 1993 decision to withdraw its bid for what by then was an unprofitable rump. Extensive attention is paid to the way in which ISC evolved under James Guerin’s stewardship, providing insights into the shady world of international covert arms dealing. While in 1987 Ferranti purchased what was regarded as a highly profitable defence electronics business, by 1989 it was apparent that ISC’s net worth was marginal, creating an accounting hole in what by then was Ferranti International from which it never recovered, in spite of highly imaginative strategies enacted by a new chief executive, Eugene Anderson. The book provides detailed insights into international mergers, corporate governance issues and defence electronics that highlight the dangers associated with competing in one of the fastest-moving industries of that era.

Paul Holtom

and to prevent and reduce excessive accumulation and spread of small arms and light weapons. 1 Phythian has persuasively argued that the nature of the post-Cold War illicit arms trade is qualitatively different to the Cold War era. 2 Across Europe, a number of factors have impacted upon thinking about the arms trade in

in The security dimensions of EU enlargement
Rhiannon Vickers

policy areas.3 The Labour Party and minority Labour governments had considerable impact on Britain’s stance on open diplomacy, internationalism, the arms trade, and the League of Nations. From the early 1920s to the late 1930s, the internationalist, anti-war section of the party, strongly influenced by the UDC, dominated Labour Party thinking on international affairs. While this wing of the party had initially been highly critical of the League of Nations, they came to see it as the avenue through which peace could be maintained. Despite, or possibly because of, the

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
Stephen Emerson and Hussein Solomon

come in the form of financially strengthening anti-government insurgents or armed groups involved in the drug trade, or indirectly through the high-level ­corruption of state officials Trafficking in drugs and small arms 119 and institutions.13 Likewise, the emergence of symbiotic relationships between drug trafficking and terrorist organizations threatens state security, as witnessed with the rise of powerful narco-terrorist movements in South America during the 1980s and 1990s. The illegal arms trade challenge The global proliferation of weapons that feeds

in African security in the twenty-first century
Challenges and opportunities

This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.

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Otto Lehmann-Russbueldt and German rearmament
Charmian Brinson and Richard Dove

some six months in Holland, he moved on to Britain ‘in order to continue my educational work on the nature of Prussian militarism’ (‘um meine Aufklärungsarbeit über den preussichen Militarismus fortzusetzen’). When he landed in Britain on 5 November 1933, Lehmann-Russbueldt was sixty years old, a lifelong pacifist and campaigner against the arms trade. He was by then officially stateless: in August 1933, his name had appeared on the first Nazi expatriation list, depriving their political opponents of their German nationality. He was travelling on a (provisional

in A matter of intelligence
Open Access (free)
Rhiannon Vickers

in what it perceives to be its national interest. Third, international policy and governance should be based on democratic principles and universal moral norms. Fourth, collective security is better than secret bilateral diplomatic treaties or balance-of-power politics, which are self-defeating in terms of generating conflict. Fifth, armaments and arms races can destabilise the international system, and the proliferation or arms should be limited, the arms trade regulated, and disarmament, in principle, is desirable. In addition to these five largely liberal

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
Abstract only
John Wilson

visions of “a billion dollar technology empire” in the rich farmland outside Lancaster.’4 One of these early recruits was Stuart Pindell, a Cornell University graduate and former US Navy combat pilot who had flown many missions over Vietnam.5 After leaving the Navy, Pindell had joined Hamilton Watch Co’s new electronics subsidiary, where he met Jim Guerin and started to discuss their mutual interests in the international arms trade. Although when Hamilton closed this subsidiary Pindell first moved on to Novox Inc, a Vermont corporation, by 1974 he had been recruited by

in Ferranti: A History
John Wilson

’s Ill-Wind investigations into bribery of Pentagon officials, involving not only Chem-Con, but also the Marquadt subsidiary of ISC, fuelling further the growing belief that Guerin’s business activities deserved much closer public scrutiny. It was also well-known that Guerin had tried to help his brother-in-law to avoid prosecution by arranging a clandestine flight to Chile, using his arms-trading partner, Carlos Cardoen, as the conduit. By the time Christian had been convicted in June 1989, however, Jacobson had been persuaded to return to the US, when he admitted his

in Ferranti: A History
Jens Eder

audiovisual forms, the understanding of abstract meanings or the reflection about communicative contexts. A  case in point is Amnesty International: Stop the Show (2013), an animation short created by visual artist 71 Affective image operations Max Hattler. The film was part of an international campaign supporting a UN treaty to regulate the arms trade. It starts with black crosshairs on a white background and the sound of releasing a gun. The crosshairs are then replaced by a flurry of kaleidoscopic op-​art transformations of political symbols in the colours of flags

in Image operations