The final volume of this detailed history of Ferranti covers the last seven years of its operating existence, starting with the 1987 merger with ISC and culminating in a humiliating demise consequent upon GEC’s 1993 decision to withdraw its bid for what by then was an unprofitable rump. Extensive attention is paid to the way in which ISC evolved under James Guerin’s stewardship, providing insights into the shady world of international covert arms dealing. While in 1987 Ferranti purchased what was regarded as a highly profitable defence electronics business, by 1989 it was apparent that ISC’s net worth was marginal, creating an accounting hole in what by then was Ferranti International from which it never recovered, in spite of highly imaginative strategies enacted by a new chief executive, Eugene Anderson. The book provides detailed insights into international mergers, corporate governance issues and defence electronics that highlight the dangers associated with competing in one of the fastest-moving industries of that era.
and to prevent and reduce
excessive accumulation and spread of small arms and light
Phythian has persuasively argued
that the nature of the post-Cold War illicit armstrade is qualitatively
different to the Cold War era. 2 Across Europe, a number of factors have impacted
upon thinking about the armstrade in
policy areas.3 The Labour Party and
minority Labour governments had considerable impact on Britain’s
stance on open diplomacy, internationalism, the armstrade, and the
League of Nations. From the early 1920s to the late 1930s, the internationalist, anti-war section of the party, strongly influenced by the
UDC, dominated Labour Party thinking on international affairs. While
this wing of the party had initially been highly critical of the League of
Nations, they came to see it as the avenue through which peace could
Despite, or possibly because of, the
most hard-pressed Britons in the 1970s. Instead, CND and the Campaign against ArmsTrade (CAAT) focused on the defence economy and on the everyday worker forced either to facilitate the arms industry or to join the dole queue. In a burst of activity in the mid-1970s the peace movement organised conferences and produced an abundant variety of publications on a wide range of issues, from the presence of military work on the university campus to the emergence of environmentalism and the war on domestic and global poverty. By the late 1970s there was a vibrant network of
Defence Expenditure, Alternative Employment and the ArmsTrade’ met for the next three years and published a widely distributed paperback, Sense about Defence . Patrick Seyd considered it ‘a more detailed analysis than ever before’ which showed that ‘economics and defence were the two main concerns of the left in the 1970s’, whilst the historian Ben Pimlott described it as ‘the best-researched party document on defence since the war’.
However, just as it had during the government
This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.
come in the form of financially strengthening anti-government insurgents or armed groups involved in the drug
trade, or indirectly through the high-level corruption of state officials
Trafficking in drugs and small arms
and institutions.13 Likewise, the emergence of symbiotic relationships
between drug trafficking and terrorist organizations threatens state security, as witnessed with the rise of powerful narco-terrorist movements in
South America during the 1980s and 1990s.
The illegal armstrade challenge
The global proliferation of weapons that feeds
English radicalism has been a deep-rooted but minority tradition in the political culture since at least the seventeenth century. The central aim of this book is to examine, in historical and political context, a range of key events and individuals that exemplify English radicalism in the twentieth century. This analysis is preceded by defining precisely what has constituted this tradition; and by the main outline of the development of the tradition from the Civil War to the end of the nineteenth century. Three of the main currents of English radicalism in the twentieth century have been the labour movement, the women’s movement and the peace movement. These are discussed in some detail, as a framework for the detailed consideration of ten key representative figures of the tradition in the twentieth century: Bertrand Russell, Sylvia Pankhurst, Ellen Wilkinson, George Orwell, E.P. Thompson, Michael Foot, Joan Maynard, Stuart Hall, Tony Benn and Nicolas Walter. The question of ‘agency’ – of how to bring about radical change in a predominantly conservative society and culture – has been a fundamental issue for English radicals. It is argued that, in the twentieth century, many of the important achievements in progressive politics have taken place in and through extra-parliamentary movements, as well as through formal political parties and organisations – the Labour Party and other socialist organisations – and on occasion, through libertarian and anarchist politics. The final chapter considers the continuing relevance of this political tradition in the early twenty-first century, and reviews its challenges and prospects.
their production lines from guns to kidney machines was similarly halted, not only by company management but by the Labour government and the trade unions. Chapter 4 explores the famous case of the Lucas Aerospace workers, whose alternative plan for production proposed an alternative to dehumanising Fordism that would contribute to disarmament. Chapter 5 shows how, inspired by the political and industrial left, peace activists in the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND) and the associated Campaign against ArmsTrade (CAAT) moved away from the ‘post
some six months
in Holland, he moved on to Britain ‘in order to continue my educational
work on the nature of Prussian militarism’ (‘um meine Aufklärungsarbeit
über den preussichen Militarismus fortzusetzen’).
When he landed in Britain on 5 November 1933, Lehmann-Russbueldt
was sixty years old, a lifelong pacifist and campaigner against the armstrade. He was by then officially stateless: in August 1933, his name had
appeared on the first Nazi expatriation list, depriving their political opponents of their German nationality. He was travelling on a (provisional