Abstract only
The military in British art, 1815-1914

In an age when engraving and photography were making artistic images available to a much wider public, artists were able to influence public attitudes more powerfully than ever before. This book examines works of art on military themes in relation to ruling-class ideologies about the army, war and the empire. The first part of the book is devoted to a chronological survey of battle painting, integrated with a study of contemporary military and political history. The chapters link the debate over the status and importance of battle painting to contemporary debates over the role of the army and its function at home and abroad. The second part discusses the intersection of ideologies about the army and military art, but is concerned with an examination of genre representations of soldiers. Another important theme which runs through the book is the relation of English to French military art. During the first eighty years of the period under review France was the cynosure of military artists, the school against which British critics measured their own, and the place from which innovations were imported and modified. In every generation after Waterloo battle painters visited France and often trained there. The book shows that military art, or the 'absence' of it, was one of the ways in which nationalist commentators articulated Britain's moral superiority. The final theme which underlies much of the book is the shifts which took place in the perception of heroes and hero-worship.

Abstract only
The Ulster Volunteer Force, 1910–22

The Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) remains something of a forgotten army of the Irish revolutionary period. There has also been a tendency for historians of opposition to Home Rule to view the UVF as little more than a supporting cast to the Unionists stars: Sir Edward Carson and Andrew Bonar Law. In traditional Unionist accounts of the Third Home Rule crisis, militancy was a measured and controlled response by Ulster Unionists to the actions of the Liberal government. The book considers the social composition and political ideology of the UVF. The command structures of the UVF and the force's military efficiency are discussed next. Many of the early manifestations of Ulster Unionist militancy occurred outside the formal structures of the Orange Order and Unionist Clubs. The earliest forms of armed Unionism during the 1910-1914 period took a similar form and, indeed, this neo-feudalism was to survive in the UVF proper between 1913 and 1914. The command of the UVF, while theoretically a standard military hierarchy, was in reality anything but that. The military efficiency units differed significantly over time and region. Unionist propaganda was aimed at four different audiences: Ulster Unionists themselves, British public opinion, the Liberal government and Nationalist Ireland. The book then covers the related issues of finance, arms and equipment. The contribution of the UVF to the 36th (Ulster) Division is then dealt with. Finally, it considers the brief revival of the UVF in 1920 and its amalgamation into the Ulster Special Constabulary.

This work examines the ‘amateur military tradition’ in Ireland, essentially the framework in which part-time soldiers of the British Army existed, alongside their regular army counterparts, and how they interacted with wider society. In Ireland, this included the militia, yeomanry, Territorial Force (later Army), Officers’ Training Corps, Volunteer Training Corps, the Ulster Home Guard (UHG), and the Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR). It covers the period from the re-establishment of the Irish militia during the Crimean War until the disbandment of the UDR after the British Army’s ‘Options for Change’ paper in 1992. Due to Ireland’s peculiar position within the British military framework, a distinct Irish amateur military tradition developed which, in many respects, was different to the English, Welsh, or Scottish traditions. Additionally, two further traditions have been identified, distinctive to the Irish socio-political environment. Firstly, the re-emergence of the Protestant volunteering tradition, witnessed in Ulster as early as the seventeenth century, also found in paramilitary groups such as the Ulster Volunteer Force, and, secondly, a Catholic amateur military tradition, largely present in the Irish militia until the Edwardian period. Crucially, the work recognises a significant contribution of Irish men and women to activities within the British Empire during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

England’s freedom, soldiers’ rights

Chapter 5 . Levellers and the army: England’s freedom, soldiers’ rights O ver the course of the 1640s the parliamentarian coalition fragmented. The Leveller leaders played their parts in that play of faction, and had links, and for a long time backers, among the Independent group. The activities of the Leveller movement were one manifestation of the extension of parliamentarian politics beyond Parliament itself; but from 1647 a much more powerful extra-parliamentary political force mobilized: the New Model Army. Associated from its foundation with the

in The Levellers
Abstract only
J.W.M. Hichberger

pervasive myth of British anti-militarism. Almost all nineteenth-century writers on the army and the State, prior to the Boer War at least, agreed that Britain was not a military nation. The belief was reiterated even in the face of the phenomenon of ‘jingoism’. The term was coined in 1878, but the reality was discernible much earlier, before the Crimean campaign in 1854. The feverish desire for war was attributed by such

in Images of the army
Abstract only

Carson, but it is evident that his views on the organisation changed over time and he was, at various times, open to influence from both hawks and doves in the movement. Originally formed to maintain Unionist discipline and unity, the UVF soon served to threaten both. 206 Carson’s army During the height of the Third Home Rule crisis in July 1914, the UVF provided a forum for Ulster Unionists in the peripheral counties of Fermanagh, Tyrone, Cavan, Monaghan and Donegal to pressurise the Unionist leadership into the rejection of four county partition. The arming of the

in Carson’s army
The social composition and ideological basis of the UVF

2 ‘An armed democracy’? The social composition and idelogical basis of the UVF The title of this chapter comes from Charles a la Court Repington’s article in The Times in which, as the paper’s military correspondent, he wrote of the UVF as, ‘a democratic army’.1 He went on to state that the UVF had an enrolled strength of 110,000 men stating, ‘Almost every Protestant man and boy in the Province will fight if fighting begins’.2 Repington’s opinion was echoed by H. S. Morrison who noted the wide class basis of the UVF and its popularity among Presbyterians noting

in Carson’s army

6 War and decline, 1914–19 With the outbreak of the Great War, Ulster Unionists were, as J. O. Stubbs has stressed, ‘imprisoned by their patriotism’.1 The leaders of the UVF who during the entirety of the Third Home Rule crisis had spoken of their loyalty to Britain had little choice but to offer the services of the UVF to the British government on the outbreak of war; partly as the basis of a new army division (the 36th (Ulster) Division) and partly as a home defence force. However, this was not to be an unconditional offer. Ulster Unionists wanted the newly

in Carson’s army
The policy of reservation in the First and Second World Wars

50 v 2 v Raising an ‘industrial army’: the policy of reservation in the First and Second World Wars Reflecting on the policy of reservation in the Second World War, Glasgow shipyard worker John Dickson asserted that there was ‘no point in robbing Peter to pay Paul. Or taking a skilled engineer out of skilled engineering to be a soldier’.1 In total war, industry was in direct competition with the military for a limited supply of men. The State needed to mobilise industry and labour just as much as it did combatants to fill the ranks of the armed services

in Men in reserve

us and our plans and hopes for Africa as the fantasies of some politically illiterate West Indians’. 103 Makonnen recalled that the communists saw them as ‘“generals without an army, they have no base and must depend on their pens”‘. 104 Their pens proved powerful: through their stream of publications they built a reputation as people to see in London if you were visiting from the colonies, or

in Ending British rule in Africa